Tag Archives: injustice

Congo politics

Bakata-Katanga: Solution Miraculeuse de Martin Kobler

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Le Bakata-Katanga, une milice-force dirigée par Kyungu Mutanga alias Gédéon[1] emboite le pas de Moise Tshombe[2]. Le rêve du Katanga-Shaba indépendant date des années 1960 ; une demande qui n’a pas trouvé des supporteurs sur le plan intérieur et particulièrement sur le plan international pour des raisons diverses et presque en grande partie liées à la guerre froide. Plus précisément, cette indépendance a été proclamée par Moise Tshombe le 11/07/1960 quelques jours après l’indépendance dite du Congo-Belge qui deviendra le Zaïre après sous le régime de Mobutu.

Dans un premier temps, il apparait que certains belges avaient implicitement soutenu l’idée du Katanga indépendant car certains officiers avaient fait partie d’un groupe des mercenaires qui ont appuyés l’armée Katangaise appelée « gendarmerie Katangaise ». Ces belges, sur pression des Nations Unies finirent pas se retirer alors que d’autres groupes de mercenaires s’y implantent pour combattre aux côtés des sécessionnistes Katangais.  N’eut été l’appui et la force des Nations Unies qui, par l’usage de la force militaire, le Katanga serait un Etat indépendant. La force des nations Unies réussit à en finir avec la sécession Katangaise en Janvier 1963 ; d’où le Congo actuel aurait une structure territoriale probablement différente de celui que nous connaissons aujourd’hui.

Le Bakata-Katanga, à mon entendement, est une milice-force compte tenu de l’ombre autour de ce mouvement insurrectionnel dans une Province qui serait pourtant réputée proche du pouvoir actuel en RDC. Elle est une milice-force qui endeuille la Province pour réclamer la sécession encore une fois comme l’a été en 1960. Elle sème la désolation, incendie des habitations, centres de santé, structures scolaires etc[3].  Leur revendications et demandes sont restées une spéculation car se résolvant en famille. Si non La question est à prendre au sérieux comme toutes les autres que connait le pays[4].

La question de l’indépendance du Katanga se répète encore une fois 50 ans après. Elle semble se situer dans la même direction aujourd’hui car cette insurrection est dans le viseur des nations Unies[5].  Elle va se résoudre sous l’égide du Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire General de l’ONU et chef de la MONUSCO, Martin Kobler. La préoccupation de cet article est de savoir pourquoi la classe politique congolaise et les Nations Unies n’accordent pas une opportunité aux Bakata-Katanga enfin de se saisir de leurs doléances ?

Il n’est pas question de faire « l’avocat du diable » de cette milice dont son organisation, ses connections et ses structures seraient peut-être fortes plus qu’on le pense. Au contraire, la suggestion de cet article est que plusieurs groupes armés ont été entendus et leurs doléances tenues en considération par le gouvernement congolais. Bien que la gestion et la suite d’événements résultant de ces accords et signatures entre gouvernement et groupes armés font l’objet des critiques ; tout de même, le public se dirait avoir entendu quelque chose autour de ces mouvements insurrectionnels dans le temps. Alors, je ne trouve pas pourquoi le public sera privé de cette information d’une ampleur pareille ?

En plus de cela, il ne faudra pas que la suprématie de la force prône sur la voie du dialogue. Le résultat est que ces événements se répètent plusieurs fois et endeuillent toujours le peuple qui a longtemps souffert fort probable de l’absence de l’Etat dans leurs vies quotidiennes. Le cas frappant est l’usage de la force des Nations Unies des années 1960, faute de ne pas résoudre dans le fond la question ; et voilà  elle resurgit encore. Comme vous le pensez, la brutalité, la cruauté, la barbarie des groupes armés ne sont pas à tolérer à mon avis mais il faudra vérifier si elles ne sont des ‘réponses du berger à la bergère’. Il serait sage de considérer que la misère qu’a connue le peuple congolais pendant le demi-siècle après l’indépendance du pays est devenue insupportable dans la mesure que certains n’ont plus confiance aux gouvernants et usent tous les moyens possibles. Le temps pour eux de mettre point aux discussions sans fin.

J’ose croire que vous ne me taxerait pas d’être partisan de l’implosion de ce grand pays ; mais j’ai toujours pensé que la responsabilité de nos dirigeants politiques est à remettre en cause. L’absence de l’Etat pendant 50 ans est moins supportable au Benin[6] qu’en Allemagne et partout dans le monde. Ce vide laisserait le peuple congolais à se comporter comme des barbares alors qu’il ne le serait pas dans une situation normale. Il est temps que les nations Unies qui déploient la force militaire pour éradiquer les milices de donner une garantie que notre peuple sera assisté pour son bien-être concomitamment.  Il s’agit d’une question de confiance abusée pendant ces 5 décennies d’indépendance de la part des dirigeants politiques. L’inégalité, la pauvreté, les conditions socio-économiques misérables de la population, la corruption, l’injustice sont devenues des fardeaux insupportables.

L’usage de la force qui ne s’accompagne pas de la résolution effective de ces problèmes cités-haut amène à penser que 2062  sera le tour probable du Guatemala et de la Nouvelle-Zélande de conduire les missions de l’ONU en RDC pour gérer des crises pareilles. A moins que Kobler ait dans ses mains une autre solution miraculeuse pour la RDC. Votre avis peut me convaincre autrement.

 

NTANYOMA R. Delphin

Compte Twitter @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

[1] Cfr la photo à droite en tenue de Mayi-Mayi

[2] Cfr la photo gauche, en tenue présidentiable

[6] Imagine que le Produit Intérieur Brut par habitat au Benin est Presque 4 fois grande que celui du Congo-Kinshasa, avec des différences potentielles innombrables en faveur de ce dernier. Ici je fais référence aux Casques Blues Béninois qui sont au Katanga.

 

 

Congo politics

DRC’s Governance Complexity: Wouldn’t finally be an Empty Box?

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Governance either good or bad is likely a broad concept used into scholars and researches to confine a bunch of components that would take time to detail and hence making reader falling bored; an arguably avoidable mistake into these fields. Scholars and researchers prefer to stick on key point while keeping reader concentrated and interested. In addition, it is believed that governance concept contains some ideal components that would take long to be achieved, despite their relevance. Thus, governance practicability would bring in divergences in viewing what it is. Consequently, throwing a glance on governance, it may sound as an empty box in which everyone, based on his appreciation, would eject in or out whatever he wants. That is, it can mean everything or nothing at the same time. Hence, governance relevance and feasibility would depend largely on a pressure exerted by country’s population toward their political and administrative leaders. The willingness of the latter can contribute to accelerate its establishment.

Governance is approximately defined as a process through which rulers get authority and how that authority is exercised within a society; highlighting enforcement of rules and mechanisms of handling difference of interests within such society. Importantly, the fundamental components of governance make it sounding relevant in terms of managing a society. It covers rule of law, graft1, government effectiveness, property rights, accountability, political in-stability, corruption, transparency, efficiency in revenue mobilization and allocation… This is a quite broader concept, containing as many as these complex components. However, despite disagreement on the appropriate measure of governance, some scholars arguably consider effectiveness in public services delivery as a benchmark indicator to assess the quality of government. It means government is measured on final outputs basis such as public security, schooling, public health or transport infrastructures etc.

Albeit disagreement and criticisms regarding measuring governance based on output, in the context of democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), it would be underscored as appropriate and important for population’s viewpoints. It can be confirmed that since DRC’s independence, Congolese population haven’t ever tasted, in real sense, the meaning and the role of a state into their daily life. That is why DRC is largely considered inside and outside as a “failed state” due to its ineffectiveness during power exercise. Therefore, most of Congolese would rather prefer an effective public services delivery than watching elections and rotation of top leaders while their socio-economic conditions are remaining worse again and again. Nevertheless, it would sense in-depth that the point of view is not allowing mono-regime; rather, it can be demonstrated that output measure of governance is intertwined with its other components. For instance, it may hardly be possible to effectively deliver if rulers are corrupted or inefficient in terms of resources mobilization-expenditure.

From rule of law, transparency, accountability to tackling corruption and graft, DRC has a long way to go to effectively deliver public services. It has also to be understood that public services delivery is the core to achieve the Addis-Ababa Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (PSCF) while pointed out as one of the deficiencies of DRC’s governance. Consequently, it is unpredictable when the country will break the cycle of socio-economic and political crises so long as the state remains ineffective to deliver public services. Thus, there is a need to review the current political system for implementing an appropriate one that would confer provinces’ competencies to deal specifically with their socio-cultural and economic differences, away of patronage. Otherwise, governance issues in DRC could last as an empty box due to complexity of these issues when handled only at central level.

The main point in this article is to contribute in reminding those interested in establishing appropriate DRC’s governance, specifically political leaders that the current political “de-centralized system” raises skepticism in terms of reaching effectiveness of public services delivery. Thus calling to review it and ease the decision-making chains from conception to execution. Additionally, there is a need to emphasis on regional socio-cultural specificities that have to be taken into account.

NTANYOMA R. Delphin

Follow me on twitter @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

1 the act of getting money or advantage through the dishonest use of political power and influence

Congo politics

Selfish Representative: What would you tell to your next DRC’s Parliamentary Representative?

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Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has 500 parliamentary delegates and a large number of senators. Their first mission would be that of legislating and controlling the government, while at the same time representing their constituencies’ views. It clearly sounds that they stand as people’s representatives within a complex politico-administrative top level management. Hence, my Parliament is an interesting organ that would care about my views wherever it is hard to me to get regularly. Unfortunately, approximately, 350 out of 500 parliamentary members in DRC represent a population below a poverty line simply because poverty rate in this country is around 70%.

I guess, the easier way to count for members of a parliament (MPs) achievements  is through how their legislation and actions taken, maybe by controlling the governments’ decisions, are able to respond to people’s views and wishes. However, to reach this stance, MPs have themselves to be in touch with their people so that they keep on hand realities of the ground. Therefore, MPs priorities must fall into this frame to get deserving this mission. It would reasonably be right if MPs are requested to stand as models in their own management. There comes a collective and individual’s moral values requirements for being a parliamentary delegate.

102_Farming

In a specific context of DRC having a poverty rate above 70%, my MPs need more restrain in terms of advancing their individuals problems, though necessary. Additionally, it is unfair if my parliament representative feels disturbed for daily living with roughly $250 to the extent he needs $450 and then he gets this done. A simple calculation shows that my delegate feels unsatisfied with 200 times spending capacity as compared to his constituency’s members. Therefore, he has decided, using people’s power given to him, to increase his spending capacity to approximately 350 times more than his voters. Subsequently, his exercise can no longer be called as representation; rather it is being seen as a struggle to widen opportunities of sharing national resources. Moreover, his demand to achieve this spending level can be interpreted as a competing way with the executive branch toward hoarding wealth.

It may be discussed that $13000/month is not a huge amount salary for a parliamentary member considering his tasks and time spent to get things well done in a country. He would also deserve better treatment allowing him to stand free of bribes from the executive branch. In addition, the salary paid to DRC’s MPs might fall into a normal range compared to other countries in the region. Nonetheless, the salary doesn’t fit the DRC context of crises where its population strives to get even daily basic needs. Moreover, it raises an idea that once elected MPs get disconnected with grassroots issues so that they can claim an increase 900% of their salary within 6 years period since parliament established in 2006. Strikingly, their constituencies’ population has ever seen a slight improve of their socio-economic conditions. In contrary, a level of per capita gross domestic product is still lagging behind $300[1] per year. Thus, their mission is called into question to how MPs will be able to control the government ambiguously interested to get people improving socially and economically, especially known for its institutionalized corruption, embezzlement, unaccountable for their wealth…

My MPs election term will recently get to an end and the same people or others will be calling for our votes. Imagine the pictures above represent a Daily School for your child or a parmenent work. What would you tell to your next DRC’s Parliamentary Representative?

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

[1] An aggregate figure comprising that a MP ($13000/month) and that a caporal soldier ($65/month), then you cumulate to get in the end the gross domestic product per capita;  illustrative example.
Eastern DRCongo

Would I have to wait 16 more years to identify who to blame in DRC?

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I grew up in a remote village of Itombwe customary chieftaincy (Collectivité d’Itombwe), Mwenga territory in South-Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The first challenges I had to come across were related to learning things at school that were seemingly as stories, untouchable. Embarrassingly, it may sound as nonsense to figure out that during my earlier age I have been shown where a road in my dad’s crop field had crossed earlier 60s. A story-teller said that there used to be a road built to connect Minembwe – Turambo to a locality called Gipurizo because an unnamed white man planned to have a dairy farmland there. Surprisingly, you don’t have neither to think about why it was like that nor where was my dad’s vehicle. I will simply be unable to finger-pointing exactly who to blame for living an area not connected to road. In a real sense, a health center, hospital, electricity, television, vehicle and any basic socio-economic infrastructures remained stories told by my teachers until my 16s.

At one point, I thought being victim of intercommunity conflicts that had devastated the South-Kivu region, especially Mwenga-Fizi territories since 1960. These intercommunity conflicts have erupted the eve of the DRC independence; hence highlighting the role of colonial rule. Afterward, I came to realize that my view was narrowly right as to some extent the region was quite calm between 1980-1990; and neighboring communities were also living likely the same conditions as I did. While not underestimating the effects of intercommunity conflicts on that stated situation in my area, I guess it would be unfair to putting all these lacking services on the back of community conflicts. It is then late 90s that I tried to look around and search who to blame, as I could be able to consider the role of the state into all these messes. Unfortunately, the Revolutionary Popular Movement (Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution: MPR), through “macho[1] ya MPR”, has had constructed a myth around its intelligence capability to detect everything. The myth could never allow me to even blame the state in my own inside. The myth made my mind to keep Mobutu’s regime as powerful till 17 may 1997 and I have never guessed his ouster.

Then the campaign of AFDL (Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo/Zaïre), for having ousted the Mobutu’s regime, raised an era of hope, despite flaws alongside its progress toward Kinshasa. My expectation was that these are contradictions that would be fixed at any time and I was sticking on the huge achievement of overturning the myth. The new regime established by AFDL leaders had 15 months to break down into 2 to 3 powerful parties fighting over power and resources control. Since 1996, the new mood revived and exacerbated community clashes into armed confrontations. These clashes and confrontations went on to be transformed into ethnic militias, fighting for self-defense each other. The puzzling explanation looks like a paradox and it remains hard to get its answer. Why is everyone seeing himself as self-defending? The puzzling stance could finally end up into extermination of the weak in the name of “self-protection and my community interests”. Oddly, politicians and opportunist local leaders have, for so long time, had deceitfully used these arguments.

The recurring insurgencies and rebellions that followed in Eastern DRC, backed or not by neighboring countries as they used to dismiss, had created another track to finding someone else to blame. It was exactly the one exploiting and manipulating the intercommunity grievances largely for his interests. Specifically, I was feeling that the appropriate approach to help a neighbor (DRC) would be through a constructive and concise advice and let him breathing. Unfortunately, insurgencies never stopped to get propelled; thus fuelling on the existing burning root-seated issues. Therefore, my village and the neighboring territories in general, rather than improving, their situation went worse again and again. Consequently, people have desperately lost courage to get out of this disorderliness.

Later on, I finally realized that the above mentioned individuals bear their responsibility of what had happened in my village/area, but they are not sole responsible. The following description can easily point a finger to another one. Though potentially rich in sources of energy, 9%[2] of DRC population estimated to 75 million can only access to electricity. It means that they are around 6 750 000 privileged individuals accessing electricity when we all know it necessity into daily life. However, 3 07 5000, i.e 45% of these advantageous people live in Kinshasa. Consequently, the remaining 55% are unequally distributed across provinces, each having on average 6%, roughly 412 500 individuals accessing electricity. Nevertheless, while 70% of Congolese population lives in rural areas, the coverage rate of electricity is only 1% (525 000) in these remote areas. If someone distributes the figure on the number of provinces, you get a clear answer why there is no electricity in my village since established 1977. Surprisingly, this is one of the socio-economic indicators of Congolese population, but most of its characteristics are in red. Put it simply that most of rural areas in DRC looks like my village described in paragraph one.

I was 8 years when late president Mobutu had already ruled Zaire over 16 years. Until he gets ousted to power in 1997, there was any significant change in my village and even the territories around. The same is seemingly happening now in my village since 16 years after Mobutu’s overthrow. Then, I tend to conclude that all these socio-economic failures are no longer to be blamed only to King Leopold II, president Mobutu, neighboring countries and their pawns or intercommunity conflicts. Halfway of the president Mobutu’s regime, but nothing has extensively changed besides some individuals accumulating wealth for their own; hence widening simply inequalities. Since liberation campaigns, the general situation in DRC looks going downward, making difficult to predict a better future unless another socio-economic specialized intervention brigade will be formed.

For skeptical reasons and uncertainty of the future, I am being tempted to get convinced that these warlords controlling the eastern part of DRC wouldn’t have done so if they had found an attractive environment allowing them to evolve in other domains. Most of them would have been good business-operators, doctors and nurses, engineers… and opening up large opportunities to their future. So longer as such attractive environment is yet established, it is possible to predict that those who are 8 now will be dealing again with guns as a way of airing their claims. However, the argument doesn’t underestimate the root causes of conflict that require relevant response; rather it is arguing that the state absence contributes in widening these issues. The point does neither calling DRC as “failed” state, rather it is emphasizing on its role for improving its population standard living by implementing hugely into public services.

 

NTANYOMA R. Delphin

Twitter Account @delphino12

E-mail: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

[1] Macho, a Swahili word literally means eyes, i.e the then ruling party’s eyes