Neutralizing FDLR: Making the Beginning of the End of Eastern Congo Burden?

Two weeks ago, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has called on neutralizing the Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), a Rwandese rebellion based in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). While most of the rebel group’s leaders are prime suspects of 1994 genocide against Tutsi; from then on now, the FDLR fled and has been operating, committing different crimes in Eastern DRC. Their establishment as well as military power in the region have likely benefited from loopholes of DRC governance, but also from interests of seeing the question persisting to serve as a pawn.

A quick glance would lead an observer to think that the call of UNSC is a step making the beginning of the end of “victimization” of Eastern DRC. However, the step might not be of that importance due to several challenges around the neutralization of FDLR. Nevertheless, considering the history of FDLR establishment in Congo; atrocities committed by members of the latter rebellion to local population as well as those connected to military operations intending apparently to get rid of them, a “swift neutralization” may breathe a bit DRC’s victims. Below is he viewpoint and contribution of this post:

It is unlike that FDLR constitute currently a huge threat to Rwanda as they do to Eastern Congo. The recent propos, as reported by Medias, of the Rwandese minister of foreign affairs can roughly be interpreted in that way. From the minister’s point of view, the threat of FDLR to Rwanda looks uncertain despite the support they may obtain from X backers. The backing aspect remains hard to independently be verified by the blogger; but there might rather be a reorientation of the way of understanding FDLR claims in relation to Rwanda internal political dynamics. In any case, there is a possibility of believing that FDLR nowadays existence affects largely Congolese local population than it is in Rwanda.

Additionally, despite the control over resources and power conflicts in the great lakes region, the FDLR question as a military group wouldn’t have lasted for 20 years. Informed observers will probably remind that the establishment of the FDLR in Eastern Congo had on first place benefited from the likely non-administered Zaire where they substituted themselves to administrative authorities. Therefore, as they became ‘rulers’ in some areas of the jungle, they got in touch of different means used to survive and increasing financial resources.

However, the reader will also remind that countless “joint” military operations have taken place to get rid of the rebellion with slightly successes due to the diversion of the primary mission. Sometimes, these military operations, agreed or not by both countries DRC-Rwanda had seemingly refocused on other interests than weakening or solving sustainably this matter. At some point, it sounds to observers including myself to interpret the issue as an ‘escape goat’ aiming to find excuses over reaching the main interests related to power and resources.

Back to the neutralization promised by the UNSC, military specialists discuss key challenges related to combat an armed group that is unconventionally organized. That is, fighting an armed force spread all around from Katanga to Grand-North/Kivu; while structured into small units. Eliminating the FDLR as currently organized while they are accompanied by children and women isn’t an easy task. Secondly, although called a “swift neutralization”, the reader needs to recall that FDLR is a military wing confounded with their families; while keeping hostage Congolese local population in some places.

Besides the fact that FDLR is largely composed by young people who evolved within the jungle, disconnected with their home land Rwanda; it sounds that attacking such armed group, while the military operations will probably victimize women and children of their family members, remains a decision requiring to think twice. Moreover, there might be the possibility of even considering that those young soldiers went forced on way or another to join the FDLR having grounded claims. Thus, they might need an appropriate approach to serve them from being victimized too.

When undertaking the FDLR question, the existence of several actors working on the matter with divergent considerations has attracted less attention to researches while it might interrupt regularly the way forward. That is, the fluctuating position of DRC government with regard to FDLR, the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), MONUSCO-UN stances are likely conflicting around the strategies of implementing decisions with regard to their perspectives. Hence, the conflicting vision leads to postponing actions to be taken. As matter of proof, the reader can crosscheck the recent declaration of Special Representative of UN, Martin Kobler. Consequently, the appropriate way to handle the conflicting views would originate from the “willingness” of DRC government to terminate the matter and its possibilities to imposing it.

So long as the DRC government position remains unstable and keeps changing based on contextual circumstances, the FDLR matter may still take long time to get solved. Thus it recalls the state capabilities to run autonomously the country with little interference; meanwhile considering people’s interests. Unfortunately, in some cases, there might be those who can still boost their names within these messes. In the same vein, the Eastern DRC wouldn’t expect breathing if internal governance challenges in Congo are overwhelmed by electoral ambitions to occupy the president office. These challenges must occupy the first place for the sustainability of peace, stability and development.

The chocking feature a military attack against the FDLR is mostly, from the consideration of the article, related to collateral damages affecting local population. It makes me sad and it raises gloomy when reminding how all these military operations from different actors have left Congolese, in its Eastern part, exposed to death, sexual violence, crimes, and impoverishment. It was either the FDLR, national army, armed groups operating in the region, foreign armies using proxies which are responsible of the insane criminality through keeping local population as a hostage. Hence, launching a military attack against the FDLR raises a fear of seeing these atrocities repeated again and again.

As the question is still under discussion process, the article suggests that any action to be taken against the FDLR has to be primarily in the local Congolese interests. Though there might be some parties/actors willing to see the status quo, there is yet a possibility of getting rid of the rebel group in DRC by particularly working on these paths:

• The FDLR’s politico-military support seems originating from different actors to the extent that they get inflated by even those claiming to see them wiped off the map. Consequently, as different findings and reports have exposed channels through which they get supported, the easier way to neutralize them is by once breaking strongly these political and financial channels as it has been exercised to other rebel groups. Thus breaking the channels would lead more or less to bending them for a lesser militarized solution.
• Crimes and atrocities committed by FDLR individual groups or their leaders in DRC have to be tried into courts. By doing so, the step requires to consider the “Congolese impunity culture” as well as regional armies’ role and responsibilities into atrocities committed in DRC.
• It sounds unsustainable trying to wipe off the map a military group such as FDLR by using guns and forces only. The discernment would recall the internal dynamics in their home country and possibly considering an appropriate solution to grounded claims for sustainably establishing peace in the region. These internal dynamics can still predict a fear over the future; while the long term solution would be worth of value than the mid-term.
• Contextually, the FDLR question is absolutely a drop in an ocean. Subsequently, solving specifically the eastern DRC problems in connection with the FDLR wouldn’t disregard the general political context of the country since long ago. Hence military options, international support… are advised to look at root causes of these perpetual crises with their internal and external origins. This consideration remains the only way to sustainably establishing mechanisms of long term stability. The point stresses slightly on 2016 elections; it’s rather underscoring how to manage Congolese socio-cultural diversities while halting illegal enrichment of rulers. In a nutshell, the long term solution of DRC crises lies within putting in place strong institutions than alternate strong leaders.

You have a different viewpoint? PLZ share by dropping a comment.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

My Vulnerable Voice to John Kerry: If they Can’t Afford, Tell Them to Step Down

The United States Secretary of State John Kerry is visiting Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola from 29/04-05/05/2014 as announced by a press release from the State Department. His visit lies within USA efforts to stabilize mostly the great lakes region; reason why the region has recently gained much attention from the international community as well as the US.

It is in this regards that a US Special Envoy to the Great Lakes Region has been appointed by the State Department and Obama’s Administration. The reader recalls that since his nomination, the special envoy has travelled to the region approximately 7 times. In addition, his efforts concentrate on political leaders as well as getting in touch with local organizations such as civil societies and provincial leaders. It may fairly be agreed that his efforts are bearing fruits as the defeat of M23 is partly attributable to him. The leverage of the US in the region seems to become practical than theoretical. Moreover, the visit of State’s Secretary is a continuation made through efforts of the special envoy.

The Secretary of State John Kerry is being accompanied by Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield, Special Envoy for the Great Lakes and the Democratic Republic of the Congo Russell Feingold, Special Envoy to Sudan and South Sudan Donald Booth, and Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issue Catherine Russell. The US department composition of the delegation and the choice of countries to be visited as well as aspects to be discussed during the trip as contained in the press release express how important is the current visit considering the political context in Eastern-Europe and Middle East.

The visit of John Kerry in DRC is probably the 7th official visits from US State Department since 70s and the last visit was made Hillary Clinton in August 2009. As a key ally during the cold war, Zaire relations to US were seemingly focused on the head of the state than inter-states ones before 90s. US were likely interested in Mobutu’s alliance to obstruct communism while disregarding other internal aspects of the key partner in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, since 90s, the US policy toward Zaire-DRC looks focusing also on internal problems, though differently interpreted. Therefore, the nomination of the Special Envoy Russ Feingold and US stance with regards armed groups in Congo; especially M23 has marked an impetus. State Secretary John Kerry’s visit is being viewed largely into that mood, though currently concerned with the situation in Ukraine and the later relations with Russia.

This article tries to vulnerably voicing on challenging aspects that could specifically bring stability in DRC; hence the great lakes region in general. USA’s socio-cultural diversities and largeness of the country are quite similar to those of DRC. As a response to its diversities, US initiated an administrative and political system that helped in managing easily them. That is the federal system. Consequently, John Kerry would be advised, for the long term stability of DRC, to stress and sharing that experience. The federal system needs to fully be implemented than being constitutionally shadowed by what is called “Régionalisme-Décentralisation”. The blogger still believe that federalism, in its real sense, would ease and cease power struggle, political confrontations in Kinshasa and the absence of the state within ordinary citizens’ life. We all recall that this is the 6^th month as a country of 2,345,410 km² is being run by a ‘suspended’ government as a consequence of power struggle, demand-supply reasons in Kinshasa.

There wouldn’t be stability as long as impunity reigns. There is a need to establish competent and impartial justice foundations. Crimes, human rights abuses, killings, massacres and violence have been undergoing since 60s without justice. These abuses have constituted channels for struggling and accessing power. This background has to stop by trying impartially in courts these crimes and human right abuses. In addition, victims of these crimes have to be rehabilitated and restored. Nevertheless, justice mechanisms have to be looked into a reconciliatory approach for the better of future generations. John Kerry message to Congolese officials and the president would also cover toughly corruption, embezzlement, unequal access to resources as well as public officials and leaders’ illicit accumulation of wealth.

It is urgent and important to neutralize armed groups by using guns and support from international and regional partners. In the same vein, we have witnessed electoral processes dubbed democratic and transparent ending into contestation, confrontations and violence. These previous aspects can be achieved under international community pressures and guns though they may however narrowly guarantee long term stability. Subsequently, it would be argued to the State Secretary to consider broadly the stability and socio-cultural diversities characterizing DRC. Advancements made are worthy of interest and attention to avoid backsliding, especially for Eastern-DRC stabilization. Additionally, relying on DRC’s political leaders’ promises and willingness may not be a reliable guarantee based on past experience.

I guess John Kerry will strongly and openly express his disagreement on any point of recent developments in DRC and Kinshasa political manoeuvers. His predecessor promised a support when discussing with university students as she expressed that “you are the ones who have to speak out”. Hillary Clinton reminded students from universities to “Speak out to end the corruption, the violence, the conflict that for too long have eroded the opportunities across this country. Together, you can write a new chapter in Congolese history.” Her reminder can be interpreted as recognition of the first role leading to change as belonging to Congolese people, especially the youth. I hope the ongoing visit will again morally empower Congolese in that sense as we remain the engine for change. If they can’t afford Kerry’s message, I am expecting a tough message telling them to step aside as misery has become unbearable for ordinary citizens.

Would you like to add any aspect that John Kerry can emphasize on during his discussion with DRC’s officials and the president, drop a comment.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

Dereliction: Blogging Instead of Playing Basketball or Tennis

When going through this blog, you might have been wondering about the blogger’s background. Even if you would have asked such question, it wouldn’t have been easy to concisely respond to it as my background is likely what I should have done. That is, I did not have an opportunity to exercise my potential talents; and hence not even sure if I may have been able to do that. I do simply introduce and present myself by presenting what I think I was able to undertake based on observation.

I am approximately 1.93 cm tall with roughly a weight ranging between 85-89 Kgs. Consequently, everyone would guess meeting a potential basketball, tennis or football player. Unfortunately, you seem to be wrong in guessing not because your experience is wrong; but just basketball, tennis and football or any other game discipline requires a favorable environment to get people evolving and undertake them. Several people I’ve met who are familiar with these game’s disciplines had asked me if I do/did play any one of these three games cited above. I do quietly say NO. Nevertheless, the response has always left my interlocutors unconvinced due to lacking opportunity to get the answer well captured by providing explanation of my background.

It is an occasion to let you know that my “dereliction” is largely in the hands of who has a responsibility to establish such leisure infrastructures. As I’ve grown up in village¹ deprived with almost all public incentives, it would be unfair to blame my willingness and efforts. It was on my 15-16s that I had the possibility to see within a distance, probably twice-third times a basketball’s terrain/stadium. However, it wasn’t as exciting as it would be. Land and spaces scarcity to get these infrastructures established are not questions here, it has to do with political power’s concentration into the hands of irresponsible guys. In addition, the reader will remind that the area I saw that terrain was unsafe to the extent that it recalls young guys throwing stones to me and to other people we were together. The stoning was accompanied by chanting that “these tall people and their noses”. That is simply expressing that it was hard to even touch the basketball court within such chasing move!

Strikingly, you wouldn’t believe that I was so short in my 15-18s and my nose is still very fat. Sometimes, I was feeling not concerned with the chanting slogans even though it didn’t prevent me to get stoned as did others. I beg excuses and hope you don’t stick on this point because it isn’t being discussed in this article. It forms part and parcel of my experience and we need to move beyond such discriminatory experience and start building a bright future for our next generations. This is the only way to have the beautiful country moving forward, requires to getting our socio-cultural differences forming resources that anyone can benefit from.

You might also have despised my writing style and expression, especially in these foreign languages. At this point you are quit right in judging it and wouldn’t complain. It is a time to say sorry for that. It is because my potential career wasn’t writing rather playing basketball if I had such environment established. However, consider yourself if you had accessed a library in your 30s; while that library was seemingly outdated. It is until few years ago, almost 4 that I came across a library in the real sense. During my childhood the only available library around me was my dad’s bibles, a new testament in French that I used to exercise my reading and some church songs. That is it. Consequently, my writing style and expression reflect² this background and I’ve never blamed this to my parents. In contrary, their eagerness to get me going to school has largely been an inspiration and encouraging.

Some friends of my age we grow up together had dropped out and left school due to lack of incentives around it. Right now, it is even hard to know their whereabouts though they constitute a large number, meaning they are as many as they wouldn’t have the same sentiment of school if there has been a public concern. Those who managed to survive killings and wars related consequences went displaced all around without hoping the future for their own and their children. I always feel troubled for being very unable to help them; while it seems that few things have changed since our childhood. These few changes are getting established by individuals and private organizations or associations. They’re not even resulting from what is considered as the public-private partnership; i.e, public structures haven’t yet realized their role. The role of government remains unseen within individuals’ progress.

    Back to my talents, the only dance I can hardly exercise is something called “Igisirimba”³ and at least all church’s songs. I had also the opportunity to be member of choir within the church for few months. Subsequently, you wouldn’t ask me how work night clubs as they might require electricity to run. I feel hard to have had a night club using fire woods during the night shows. Beyond relaxing and enjoying, night clubs seem to be providing jobs for those whose beliefs don’t contradict. I wouldn’t openly state that my absence into night clubs resulted from my beliefs though it may be the case today.  They never existed within my neighborhood. Just imagine if I would have been potentially a good singer; the environment didn’t allow exercising this talent and I am sure it was possible based on my observation.

Finally, I wish you will admire my writing style and expression after realizing the blogger’s background. It is a consequence of an environment that didn’t allow me to undertake the right career. I consider blogging as learning process. I do get encouraged on the improvement rather than on what I should have done if… Blogging makes me enjoying and expressing myself while learning languages. I much appreciate your comments and observations to improving the writing career.

I am also good in Swahili and my mother’s language Kinyamulenge. I can be as good as those guys whose their first languages are French or English if I blog in Swahili and Kinyamulenge. Nevertheless, I need to learn English and French for widening my connections. Exceptionally, I do unwillingly speak Lingala in different circumstances. Though it is one of the national languages, I found myself obliged to exercise Lingala as I had to pay a “bribe/ransom” when caught by security servicemen during Mobutu’s era. For many years, this type of payment has been a practice and probably recently in my country as it even happened to get arrested for not having a “baptism card” and pay for. Surprisingly, the only allowed language to bargain this payment with security forces⁴ was Lingala; otherwise, you would have to pay much. Since then, I skeptically appreciate Lingala hegemony within Congolese society as well as confusion it creates for people unfamiliar of the country who think that we all have to speak Lingala.

The purpose of the article was to introduce myself and hope you have an idea of who am I. In case you feel saddened with this background, just help to voicing in order to have things changed for the future of our next generations. By voicing, I mean claiming our rights by being non-violent and not using guns as it has been experienced in different parts of the world. It requires to lesser extent prayers and fasting as much as speaking loudly up.  Just tell your public officials or your constituency’s parliamentary member that we need better treatment as it is for their own relatives or children. I wish future generations will enjoy and relax as did others in America, Asia, Europe or Australia.

Share on your wall for voicing

NTANYOMA R. Delphin

Twitter:https://twitter.com/Delphino12

E-mail: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

1 My article: Would I have to wait 16 more years to identify who to blame in DRC? https://edrcrdf.wordpress.com/2013/11/18/would-i-have-to-wait-16-more-years-to-identify-who-to-blame-in-drc/

 

2 My article: You haven’t ever met that “Star” leading to State/Safe house to upbraid the least Journey Keepers in Eastern DRC https://edrcrdf.wordpress.com/2013/11/20/you-havent-ever-met-that-star-leading-to-statesafe-house-to-upbraid-the-least-journey-keepers-in-eastern-drc/

 

3 It is a mixture of music and dance that has borrowed Congolese dance into the church’s songs. It has originated in Mulenge and well admired by many youth as it makes people enjoying and praising God within such mixture. Click to see how it goes on http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yJfIu7k2-k0

 

4 As security forces were uncontrolled, it was even possible to get caught by people who used Lingala simply though not part of the security services. They had to survive by these means of looting or bribes payment of those arrested.  

 

Selfish Representative: What would you tell to your next DRC’s Parliamentary Representative?

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has 500 parliamentary delegates and a large number of senators. Their first mission would be that of legislating and controlling the government, while at the same time representing their constituencies’ views. It clearly sounds that they stand as people’s representatives within a complex politico-administrative top level management. Hence, my Parliament is an interesting organ that would care about my views wherever it is hard to me to get regularly. Unfortunately, approximately, 350 out of 500 parliamentary members in DRC represent a population below a poverty line simply because poverty rate in this country is around 70%.

I guess, the easier way to count for members of a parliament (MPs) achievements  is through how their legislation and actions taken, maybe by controlling the governments’ decisions, are able to respond to people’s views and wishes. However, to reach this stance, MPs have themselves to be in touch with their people so that they keep on hand realities of the ground. Therefore, MPs priorities must fall into this frame to get deserving this mission. It would reasonably be right if MPs are requested to stand as models in their own management. There comes a collective and individual’s moral values requirements for being a parliamentary delegate.

In a specific context of DRC having a poverty rate above 70%, my MPs need more restrain in terms of advancing their individuals problems, though necessary. Additionally, it is unfair if my parliament representative feels disturbed for daily living with roughly $250 to the extent he needs $450 and then he gets this done. A simple calculation shows that my delegate feels unsatisfied with 200 times spending capacity as compared to his constituency’s members. Therefore, he has decided, using people’s power given to him, to increase his spending capacity to approximately 350 times more than his voters. Subsequently, his exercise can no longer be called as representation; rather it is being seen as a struggle to widen opportunities of sharing national resources. Moreover, his demand to achieve this spending level can be interpreted as a competing way with the executive branch toward hoarding wealth.

It may be discussed that $13000/month is not a huge amount salary for a parliamentary member considering his tasks and time spent to get things well done in a country. He would also deserve better treatment allowing him to stand free of bribes from the executive branch. In addition, the salary paid to DRC’s MPs might fall into a normal range compared to other countries in the region. Nonetheless, the salary doesn’t fit the DRC context of crises where its population strives to get even daily basic needs. Moreover, it raises an idea that once elected MPs get disconnected with grassroots issues so that they can claim an increase 900% of their salary within 6 years period since parliament established in 2006. Strikingly, their constituencies’ population has ever seen a slight improve of their socio-economic conditions. In contrary, a level of per capita gross domestic product is still lagging behind $300[1] per year. Thus, their mission is called into question to how MPs will be able to control the government ambiguously interested to get people improving socially and economically, especially known for its institutionalized corruption, embezzlement, unaccountable for their wealth…

My MPs election term will recently get to an end and the same people or others will be calling for our votes. Imagine the pictures above represent a Daily School for your child or a parmenent work. What would you tell to your next DRC’s Parliamentary Representative?

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

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[1] An aggregate figure comprising that a MP ($13000/month) and that a caporal soldier ($65/month), then you cumulate to get in the end the gross domestic product per capita;  illustrative example.

Would I have to wait 16 more years to identify who to blame in DRC?

I grew up in a remote village of Itombwe customary chieftaincy (Collectivité d’Itombwe), Mwenga territory in South-Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The first challenges I had to come across were related to learning things at school that were seemingly as stories, untouchable. Embarrassingly, it may sound as nonsense to figure out that during my earlier age I have been shown where a road in my dad’s crop field had crossed earlier 60s. A story-teller said that there used to be a road built to connect Minembwe – Turambo to a locality called Gipurizo because an unnamed white man planned to have a dairy farmland there. Surprisingly, you don’t have neither to think about why it was like that nor where was my dad’s vehicle. I will simply be unable to finger-pointing exactly who to blame for living an area not connected to road. In a real sense, a health center, hospital, electricity, television, vehicle and any basic socio-economic infrastructures remained stories told by my teachers until my 16s.

At one point, I thought being victim of intercommunity conflicts that had devastated the South-Kivu region, especially Mwenga-Fizi territories since 1960. These intercommunity conflicts have erupted the eve of the DRC independence; hence highlighting the role of colonial rule. Afterward, I came to realize that my view was narrowly right as to some extent the region was quite calm between 1980-1990; and neighboring communities were also living likely the same conditions as I did. While not underestimating the effects of intercommunity conflicts on that stated situation in my area, I guess it would be unfair to putting all these lacking services on the back of community conflicts. It is then late 90s that I tried to look around and search who to blame, as I could be able to consider the role of the state into all these messes. Unfortunately, the Revolutionary Popular Movement (Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution: MPR), through “macho[1] ya MPR”, has had constructed a myth around its intelligence capability to detect everything. The myth could never allow me to even blame the state in my own inside. The myth made my mind to keep Mobutu’s regime as powerful till 17 may 1997 and I have never guessed his ouster.

Then the campaign of AFDL (Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo/Zaïre), for having ousted the Mobutu’s regime, raised an era of hope, despite flaws alongside its progress toward Kinshasa. My expectation was that these are contradictions that would be fixed at any time and I was sticking on the huge achievement of overturning the myth. The new regime established by AFDL leaders had 15 months to break down into 2 to 3 powerful parties fighting over power and resources control. Since 1996, the new mood revived and exacerbated community clashes into armed confrontations. These clashes and confrontations went on to be transformed into ethnic militias, fighting for self-defense each other. The puzzling explanation looks like a paradox and it remains hard to get its answer. Why is everyone seeing himself as self-defending? The puzzling stance could finally end up into extermination of the weak in the name of “self-protection and my community interests”. Oddly, politicians and opportunist local leaders have, for so long time, had deceitfully used these arguments.

The recurring insurgencies and rebellions that followed in Eastern DRC, backed or not by neighboring countries as they used to dismiss, had created another track to finding someone else to blame. It was exactly the one exploiting and manipulating the intercommunity grievances largely for his interests. Specifically, I was feeling that the appropriate approach to help a neighbor (DRC) would be through a constructive and concise advice and let him breathing. Unfortunately, insurgencies never stopped to get propelled; thus fuelling on the existing burning root-seated issues. Therefore, my village and the neighboring territories in general, rather than improving, their situation went worse again and again. Consequently, people have desperately lost courage to get out of this disorderliness.

Later on, I finally realized that the above mentioned individuals bear their responsibility of what had happened in my village/area, but they are not sole responsible. The following description can easily point a finger to another one. Though potentially rich in sources of energy, 9%[2] of DRC population estimated to 75 million can only access to electricity. It means that they are around 6 750 000 privileged individuals accessing electricity when we all know it necessity into daily life. However, 3 07 5000, i.e 45% of these advantageous people live in Kinshasa. Consequently, the remaining 55% are unequally distributed across provinces, each having on average 6%, roughly 412 500 individuals accessing electricity. Nevertheless, while 70% of Congolese population lives in rural areas, the coverage rate of electricity is only 1% (525 000) in these remote areas. If someone distributes the figure on the number of provinces, you get a clear answer why there is no electricity in my village since established 1977. Surprisingly, this is one of the socio-economic indicators of Congolese population, but most of its characteristics are in red. Put it simply that most of rural areas in DRC looks like my village described in paragraph one.

I was 8 years when late president Mobutu had already ruled Zaire over 16 years. Until he gets ousted to power in 1997, there was any significant change in my village and even the territories around. The same is seemingly happening now in my village since 16 years after Mobutu’s overthrow. Then, I tend to conclude that all these socio-economic failures are no longer to be blamed only to King Leopold II, president Mobutu, neighboring countries and their pawns or intercommunity conflicts. Halfway of the president Mobutu’s regime, but nothing has extensively changed besides some individuals accumulating wealth for their own; hence widening simply inequalities. Since liberation campaigns, the general situation in DRC looks going downward, making difficult to predict a better future unless another socio-economic specialized intervention brigade will be formed.

For skeptical reasons and uncertainty of the future, I am being tempted to get convinced that these warlords controlling the eastern part of DRC wouldn’t have done so if they had found an attractive environment allowing them to evolve in other domains. Most of them would have been good business-operators, doctors and nurses, engineers… and opening up large opportunities to their future. So longer as such attractive environment is yet established, it is possible to predict that those who are 8 now will be dealing again with guns as a way of airing their claims. However, the argument doesn’t underestimate the root causes of conflict that require relevant response; rather it is arguing that the state absence contributes in widening these issues. The point does neither calling DRC as “failed” state, rather it is emphasizing on its role for improving its population standard living by implementing hugely into public services.

 

NTANYOMA R. Delphin

Twitter Account @delphino12

E-mail: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: http://www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

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[1] Macho, a Swahili word literally means eyes, i.e the then ruling party’s eyes

[2] http://rdc.primature.cd/dossier/faible-taux-dacces-a-lelectricite-en-rdc-sortir-des-sentiers-battus-2