I was shocked and saddened again last week when an announcement came in that one of my primary schoolmates was shot dead in his house within the neighborhood of my village. For unclear reasons, somewhat related to church’s leadership, “bad guys” decided to shot him dead in front of the wife and their 6 children. It was as horrific as none of us would have expected such awkward killing be plotted from the close family relatives so long as they have been primary suspects. Even though the investigation might be going on, I would apologize for pointing a finger to those suspects as they may yet be discharged in that case. Nevertheless, I am so skeptical on the skills and knowledge in the hands of the National Police in my native region to deal with such wrapped shooting using lethal guns and real bullets during the nights. It has also to be noted that these incidents are countless and may involve people with integrity in the past. It’s becoming a huge concern that requires debates and imminent-durable solutions.
The death of primary’s schoolmate brought me 25 years back when we’ve all of us been attending the Sunday-School as “good” guys. Few years ago, a friend who barely stands as a younger brother reminded the decision taken by our church’s leaders to punish them as a group of boys from the Sunday-School. The decision of punishing them concerned a case in which these younger boys had slightly shown signs of disrespect to a neighbor who belongs to an ethnic community different from mine. The incident took a pace that required an intervention of the village church’s leadership to avoid a type of implicitly supported discrimination because the neighbor stood as a minority in our village. Unfortunately, as I got reminded, the message to these younger boys had initially been preceded by “sticks” to have them bending to the village order that forbidden to disobey an old person, especially someone who served as a deacon within the Free Methodist Church. The sticks and then carrots had been the normal approach of educating young people and we all have gone through these. However, I have ever imagined that some of us would fall into barbarism to the extent of resorting to violence that kills even their relatives for settling family-church issues.
Picture of violence by MSF/ Phil Moore
It has been as “normal” as the killing would target a neighboring ethnic community who, sometimes, is considered as an enemy. To a large extent, guns have been used by armed men belonging to militias operating in the region but mostly characterized by ethnic motivations—choices—targets when using their weaponry. They were largely seen as the “bad or good” guys based on the appreciation of the victims or the indifferent observer. It has been an odd daily diet that local population can no longer afford to host. However, there have been limited choices in terms of dealing with armed militias. Nevertheless, as the use of uncontrolled guns has been widely spreading all around, the use of gunfire has largely dominated the settlement of accounts for uncommonly matters. The price of guns is becoming more or less cheaper to the extent that anyone can access it; though the costs are so huge. The guns are killing, being used for violence against women as well as racketeering; a weapon to access financial resources. Nonetheless, the use of guns for revenging is strikingly concerning the public opinion while threatening the region. Local population runs the daily life without a hope of returning home the evening or waking up safe in the morning.
The climate and developments around the use of guns in my region impose us to think twice and understand that violence wouldn’t be the right way of settling griefs. In addition, it leads to also doubt on our earlier age beliefs and how it cannot be sustained in front of the recent waves of violence within the State deficiency. The blogger suggests that good or bad guys can originate from any ethnic groups regardless the age or gender. That would sincerely be meaning that we can no longer rely on Sunday-School experiences or even the good wills of individuals to ascertain people’s safety. There is a need of upgrading the conceptions of our views with regards to the use of violence but mostly guns. Furthermore, the state functions have to be reviewed by decision-makers in order to establish the rule of law that involves the participation of local communities.
The public opinion, mostly political figures in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were attentively been watching the EU’s decision regarding sanctions that have announced few weeks ago. These sanctions have announced as a response to human rights abuses committed by individuals occupying key public positions. Today, 12th December earlier afternoon, the EU announced the first list of individuals to be sanctioned for being involved into human rights abuses related to the ongoing political crisis. Few hours later, the United States of America has too announced another series of sanctions targeting prominent officials of the DRC’s Government.
The EU has decide to sanction 7 key officials within the inner circle of President Joseph Kabila comprising the 3 who have listed by US last month. Those targets by EU’s sanctions are Ilunga Kampete, Gabriel Amisi Kumba, Ferdinand Ilunga Luyoyo, Celestin Kanyama, John Numbi, Roger Kibelisa, and Delphin Kahimbi. Kampete, Amisi Kumba, Kanyama and Numbi were on the previous list of the US sanctions. The second list of people under US sanctions comprises Kalev Mutond (Head of the National Intelligence Agence “ANR”) as well Evariste Boshab (the outgoing Minister of Interior and Security). The list and position of those targeted display likely an intention of crack the Kabila’s regime. Nevertheless, nothing would confirms that all these measures are the first interests of the Congolese society so longer as they being initiated during the critical moment when everyone finds ways to call sympathy.
U.S. Announces sanctions on two DRC officials, Minister Boshab & Dir. Kalev for undermining democratic institutions: https://t.co/GWjOUZxKkz
The reader reminds that the US has been the first country to sanction DRC’s officials, especially military—Police Generals. In the meantime, the US has expressed the intention of lobbying to the EU countries to take a step further (than declarations) for practically targeting people who have been undermining the democratic process in the Mobutu’s country. The bilateral relationship between the two states, DRC-US, has likely been falling into a confrontational mood to the extent that the latter’s Special envoy to the great lakes region went vilified. He got struck at the Ndjili International Airport though later on he stated on his Twitter account to have met the DRC President, Joseph Kabila.
Consequential to the Ndjili’s incident, advised observers have expected the situation to get worse so long as the US wouldn’t ever allow such treatment for its diplomats in an official mission. However, the meeting with the President Kabila had signaled as an interesting step of restraint in order to positively support the fragile Congo. The US envoy went further in commending the Kabila’s willingness to peaceful handle the political crisis around the electoral process. Few days later, the sanctions resonate as if the DRC-US relationship keeps blinking for finally sinking the weaker. The sanctions have been differently been interpreted and everyone interested in the DRC future wouldn’t stay indifferent.
I appreciated meeting today with President Kabila about importance of CENCO process and urgently forging a consensus path to elections.
The article wonders what would be the effects of these sanctions being initiated at the eve of the “fateful” 19th December. Can we expect that these sanctions would appease the socio-political climate or they can lead these individuals under sanctions to behave as “hardliners”? The US has decided to mix the “sticks and carrots” or is it only determined to only hit? The blogger always wonders why sanctions are likely linked to the electoral process crisis. Is that human rights abuses matter when committed during the electoral process? What about the economic abuses (embezzlement, illicit enrichment, corruption…) that have been committed all over the years? Targeting public officials meant that they are only ones to blame to the extent those who called for demonstrations won’t be accountable if demonstrators have wrongly used this right?
For decades, the US-DRC relations have likely been “stable” till the 90s socio-political crises that led to recurring wars in the Eastern part of the Congo. For global interest related to the cold war, the US resolved to stand behind the dictatorship for roughly 3 decades. The ouster of Mobutu went followed by recurring insurgencies, mostly in the Eastern Congo. Since then, the large opinion in DRC has been considering the US as the one pulling the strings for the allegedly plan of “balkanizing” the Lumumba’s land. Following the defeat of M23 in which the US played a determinant role, the economic and diplomatic superpower had nonetheless stood firm for opposing the Kabila’s third term. It seems that all these diplomatic attempts as well as unfriendly pressures aim to support the process of democratization of the second large country in sub-Saharan Africa.
List of DRC officilas tartegetd by EU sanctions
These sanctions have possibly been initiated for two purposes. On one hand, they aim to “clamp” these officials for their involvement into the abuses of human rights during the September protests as well as confinement of freedom of speeches. That would be the reasons of targeting key figures serving in the domain of security services, presidential guards, army, police, directorate of intelligence as well as the Minister of Interior and Security. On the other, the sanctions would prevent further misconducts of anyone whose responsibility is to neutrally promote the process of democratization but also securing political rights. They would stand as indications that further steps heading to prosecution, indictment are yet opened. Hence, sanctions can play an appeasing role for the forthcoming political developments even though not sufficient.
However, there is yet a room for constructive and positive support in order to get things well done that containment. It seems that US-EU sanctions might be interpreted as “la loi du plus fort” for those being targeted as well as the government in general. Moreover, the sanctions would create “hardliners” who think that they have reached the “point of no return”. In this case, an advised observer would request that these type of measures need to be limited in numbers and have to be accompanied by constructive and positive approaches. That is, sanctions (if needed) wouldn’t be put forward before any other approach of talk, discuss and convince. The Security Services in DRC would require much attention in terms of reform, capacity building as well building professionalism than punishment; though these two approaches won’t mutually be exclusive.
More specifically, the DRC’s context needs to consider the fragility of its socio-political context to the extent that everyone has to be responsibly engaged. Therefore, rules and opposition have both to be reminded that they will be held accountable when things skidded. It is likely that people would engage uncontrolled people into demonstrations as they expect to see the other side to be blamed for. Hence, such measures of targeted sanctions may widen the sense of violence. Nevertheless, rulers have to keep in their minds that they are responsible on a first place for whatever would happen to its citizens. In this case, I guess containment of few wrongdoers would be encouraged than opening doors for chaos. Thus, security services have to be prepared for in order to secure victims of any barbarism.
My grandmother was sceptic on buying any narratives so long as she hasn’t yet touched it on her first hand. It was earlier 90s when she asked me how come so that eating a papaya or mango fruits could lead to malaria sickness? In the specific case, she was wondering if Malaria disease would come from a dysfunctional stomach used to eat “fufu” accompanied by bins-milk; and the time you start eating unfamiliar diet, it complicates the whole body to the level of being sick. Unconfidently, I replied that my uncle who taught me “Microbiology course” told me that malaria comes largely from Anopheles mosquito that mostly bites people during the late evening. I was was slightly confident due to the lengthy narratives around malaria sickness and the way people in the neighborhood thought it affects those who have eaten these fruits picked all around the streets mostly in Bujumbura and Uvira city, the nearby ones.
The debate was launched because she suspected that I might be displaying Malaria’s symptoms while she wasn’t aware over when I came across these fruits. Despite unclear information about the origin of malaria, my grandmother has had regularly witnessed its symptoms. The heating debate, as if we were approaching presidential elections, was turning around the narrative regarding papaya/mangoes fruits causing malaria so that she would tell me that these symptoms were looking like that of malaria. The time I reminded the story, I drew few lessons. On one hand, narratives can lead to “destruction” if people won’t behave as did my grandmother; questioning yourself and see if there is a possibility of finding the reality. Secondly, whatever narratives are, the state of symptoms will likely remain the same regardless that the entourage knows the origin of the disease. Thirdly, the lesser the root causes of Malaria are treated; the more additional sicknesses find an open door to attack.
This time, instead of debating over Malaria’s origins, the current hot debate is the public opinion poll ran by the Congo Research Group on several issues in the Congolese socio-political arena. The poll has drawn attention of journals’ Medias, Social Medias as well as public figures to the extent that it is being interpreted as politically motivated. Some of its proponents have marked the poll as rarely revealing the truth of Congolese’s ground viewpoint. On the other hand, it looks as “patronizing” when it comes to those feeling offended by its findings. As do researches or polls, the poll contains “light and shades” to the extent that it hasn’t to be taken as perfect or simply as empty work. Based on the report, the contribution of the Eastern Congo Tribune Blog intends to analyze its shadow parts that would lead the reader to consider initiators as “dark-horses”.
Katumbi’s meeting
Though Medias and commentators have largely concentrated their attention on the “popularity of Presidential Candidates”, the poll’s report covers different aspects of the socio-political context in the DRC ranging from electoral process (trust and commission), constitutional revision, political dialogue-protestation and preferences, gender issues, justice, security, identity and nationalism as well as foreign involvement… Nevertheless, as the report coincided with the political crisis around elections, most readers got an interest by the “for whom would you vote if elections are to be held in 2016” question. Readers might have intentionally misled by the reporting that decided to begin with the popularity issue of presidential candidates at the front-page. However, nothing ascertains that this was the worthy question that laid the ground of the whole poll. If so, it might be that there was something working behind the scene. Few comments were drawn during my reading:
Poll’s Methodology
Even though the blogger tries to shoot into the dark for being slightly specialist in polling political opinion, it seems that, during “pre-election” campaigns, a methodology of face-to-face interviews must have been so expensive as well as time consuming. Additionally, when considering the DRC landscape, an interview conducted in all provinces; respondents dealing with 150 questions might have taken more resources and energy and it signals as approximately having complicated its monitoring/supervision schemes. However, depending on number of well-trained enumerators and supervisors, there is a possible that such poll can take few months as stated in the report (May to September 2016).
Secondly, the poll has been conducted during a sensitive period characterized by several debates around electoral process, political dialogues, “pre-campaigns” discourses… Therefore, the political climate requires to have well-trained enumerators whose intention and motivations were that of informing the public than pulling opinion in favor of any of the potential candidates. Nevertheless, the report remains unlikely “silent” in terms of disclosing interviewers who were dismissed for having contravened to regulations. Furthermore, the Congo Research Group polling’s report has slightly elaborated on the sequential order of the 150 questions. The common sense would argue that questions such as political preferences—questions, as they can influence voting intentions, have to be asked before “vote question”.
In the same vein, assessing political opinion through a poll isn’t simply presenting voters’ intentions. From my standpoint, it’s about revealing the level of voters to express by themselves why they support any given candidates. Therefore, beyond determining the likelihood of voting, the public would need to link the candidate, her political agenda and the respondent wishes—preferences. Nevertheless, the poll’s report has slightly managed to connect these three features. It remains unclear if the respondent will possibly vote for a given candidate on what basis. The choice is based on any celebrity because the candidate is regularly reported on TV or radios? Thus, the polling report would have confronted key pre-campaign issues being debated, political party preference to the voting intention.
Practically, the poll has interviewed 55% male while the female constitutes a large share of the Congolese population. Nonetheless, it speculates in terms of convincing why female respondents were low as compared to male by covertly stating that male are likely to be found at home or willingly to talk to enumerators. It seemingly expresses that the sample was possibly drawn from the Households’ population. Consequently, anyone of the couple forming the household can respond though a notice would point out why female didn’t want to respond. Otherwise, it might be advisable that any other poll has to consider the gender weight during a survey where female and male are to take part because of the relevance of their respective views.
As shown into the report, the poll covered a quite range of respondents with diverse socio-economic characteristics. An important element is that the pool has interviewed around 74% (5583 persons) of respondents living in the rural areas against 26% living in cities. It reflects the picture of the distribution of population countrywide. However, the sample looks an evenly distributed across provinces. The figure 36 shows that there are some provinces where information has been collected to respondents as large as 14 times compared to others. This is the case, for instance, of Kwilu province having roughly 710 respondents interviewed compared to the Sankuru having almost 50. The report has nonetheless mentioned the reasons behind such discrepancies. There might be reasons that have led the Congo Research Group to unevenly collect the data. Otherwise, practitioners would unlikely disagree with such discrepancies as they can undermine the results. Moreover, the distribution displays generally a large gap between provinces. The same figure 36 shows that 14[1] provinces, from Kwilu to Equateur count for approximately 75% of the respondents; that is, 5,666 interviewees. Once again, the report has slightly stated what motivated such unequal distribution.
#RDC : 1000 femmes pr en convaincre un million… Offensive de la majorité auprès des femmes congolaises pr les convaincre pertinence accord pic.twitter.com/kCEZfC9y2J
Most of respondents, 53% have the level of secondary education. In addition to the 20% who have accessed university education, it sounds that these were respondents who can widely have an independent opinion with regards to politics. Nevertheless, the sample contains 27% of individuals whose schooling level is less than primary school. The blogger keeps wondering how the percentage has been managed in terms of replying to the interview as well as their independence in terms of judging key issues in the Congolese politics. There is a possibility that the level of schooling cannot affect the ability to have an independent opinion. However, when the schooling feature is combined with the hard access to information that can be captured through lack of electricity (81%) as well as the share of respondents who don’t have radio devices (32%), it raises a question over how these respondents are getting informed on the political developments in DRC.
Additionally, the reader would remind that the report states that 54% of respondents live in an extreme poverty. Hence, an individual living in an extreme poverty, whose level of schooling is less than the primary school when she lives in rural DRC, she might unlikely be accessing an impartial information sources. Beyond narratives or hearsays, the blogger tries to capture how such respondents could have an idea on the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform & Consumer Protection Act or having an opinion on Edem Kodjo, a facilitator who went nominated in April 2016. This is possibly the reason of having 41.3% of respondents being uncomfortable in terms of influencing the decision taken by the government. Though there might be a number of readers who won’t share my viewpoint, I still feel that the report would help in clarifying such questions.
Political Preferences, Government Support & Voting Intentions
The report states that 44% are likely satisfied with the government interventions under Kabila’s presidency and Matata as the Prime Minister. By assuming that a large share of respondents can approve the government agenda, it would have consequently been reflected in the support towards any of the political figure running for forthcoming elections, on the PPRD’s ticket. Strikingly, the same respondents have approved the presidential majority potential candidates within the range of 0.7%-2.6%. Unless clearly stated, these respondents are confusing the reader or being confused by the interviewers to the extent that drawing a lesson becomes an odd task.
The blogger considers that the formulation of a question can disrupt the expected outcome during an interview. I would have been interested in the popularity of potential candidate or the satisfaction of respondents towards government’s actions than the combination of these two. Most of polls that the blogger has come across tend to express the level of voters’ satisfaction with regards to “leaders”. In this case, the popularity of potential presidential candidates would have been tested together as it gives an idea over who has the chances to win elections. At the same time, if needed, the poll would have tested the respondents’ level of satisfaction over the President Kabila’s achievements in a way that cannot undermine the outcome. My viewpoint is that an incumbent president, whose mandates are possibly to end in December 2016 wouldn’t have been mixed up with potential presidential candidates while the opinion fears any possible constitutional revision. Consequently, if these two aspects were separately captured, interested people in #CongoPolitics can easily comprehend what voters are looking for.
Presidential Majority Meeting in KInshasa 2016
Mixing up potential candidates and the incumbent president, who until stated otherwise, can’t run for the third term, might have favored some candidates? The rose from the statement made into the report saying that “…. respondents in the north and the east.., switched their sympathies to Katumbi not due to a deep attachment to the candidate but because they think that the rich and successful former governor has the best chance at beating Kabila”[2]. The report adds again “that could also explain why support for Tshisekedi has slipped in Nord-Kivu….. in Katumbi’s favor”. The statement sounds as an oversight that underestimates Congolese voters’ ability to judge an opinion. It restricts a political choice of voters on the only fact of “chasing President Kabila”. In case any candidate shows the possibility to “beat” Joseph Kabila, automatically, she/he will gain the support of voters! The blogger tends to likely espouse the “patronizing theory” of the report so long as it reduces choices of people interviewed to the simple “ouster of Kabila”. I guess that the poll failed in capturing why people would be willing to have any given candidate won the presidency; hence, it speculates on superficial judgement.
From my viewpoint, when going through the report, it obviously appears that respondents of the poll have an opinion over why they can vote for any candidate. They are not simply deemed to see someone leaving the office in order to get another entering; and that’s all. That is why 43.4% would prefer to see a candidate who’s not corrupted heading the state. They even want a president who cares on their livelihood (27.2%). These are respondents who consider at 35.5% that the criteria of voting for a president would include the fact she/he has to be a critical person characterized by charisma. In addition, these respondents feel that, at 46.7%, there is no exclusivity between development, security and elections. Hence, any elected candidate can handle all these issues at the same time. Moreover, these respondents have a take with regards to causes of conflict in Eastern Congo blaming corrupted institutions, weak army, minerals management as well as interferences of neighboring countries. Thus, finding an explanation of these intentions by bringing a candidate’s name that could beat another one as the only argument seems as unlikely underscoring their roles in politics or simply as an opportunity to pre-campaign for Katumbi.
Rassemblement Platform meeting in Kinshasa 2016
An independent observer of the Congo politics would also be interested by the details of 25% who would vote for other candidates (outside of the top 4) so long as it constitutes a quarter of intentions. When adding those who are yet undecided, it constitutes a large share of voters. The report (fig: 4) doesn’t clearly elaborate more on these others candidates. Moreover, while respondents who intend to vote for other candidates in the province of Equateur represent 5%, the figure 4 can be interpreted that Kengo wa Dondo would win, in the same Equateur, 12%. It seems as a minor mistake though it may shadow the interpretation of the report. Authors of the report didn’t explain where comes the 7% added to the potential candidate, the speaker of Senate. Furthermore, while approximately Kwango, Nord-Ubangi, Kwilu, Maniema and Kongo-Central provinces have respectively 55%, 52%, 49%, 33% and 25% of respondents who intend to vote for other candidates than the big 4; the poll has respectively reported on only 20%, 23%, 20%, 4%, leaving the Nord-Ubangi unreported.
Est-ce que la police et armée en #RDC sont devenues plus efficaces en assurant la sécurité dans les 5 années passées? pic.twitter.com/F9XLRtK2CJ
There is a possible connection between security perceptions and the constitution revision as well as political acceptance of the ruling party. Respondents from provinces of Sankuru, Maniema, Nord-Ubangi, Kwango, Lualaba, Kongo-Central are likely to share some views with regards to security confidence and the way they perceive security services interventions from the police and the army. Moreover, respondents from these provinces are likely among those who could largely support a constitutional revision allowing President Kabila to run for the third term. The blogger would argue that there is an importance of having the point discussed by the initiator of the poll.
Subsequently, when trying to connect these three features, I thought that there is a possible link between feeling safer, approving the police and army capabilities and the acceptance of the ruling party or its candidates. Hence, the respondents might have been driven by political affiliation than objectivity during interviews. In case the latter hypothesis would be true, there is a necessity of reviewing how political affiliation interplays into responses. Therefore, if any probable poll is planned in the future, respondents would be analyzed with their potential political appurtenances and the poll would check how voter can switch from one candidate to another based on the latter’s political program. I am not sure if this falls in the opinion poll domain. My excuses!!
I was so skeptical to conceive a poll opposing three communities to the rest of hundreds of communities in DRC. From my viewpoint, its relevance would be subjected to debate. In addition, the conception narrows the socio-cultural diversities characterizing the DRC. Though not considered in the poll, there is a common feeling in Kinshasa and generally in West of the country that people from the Kivu are slightly Congolese. The fact has played an important role in favoring the Lingala and its hegemony among the four national languages; though Swahili is the large one. Ethnic identities can be found into the feelings of “superior Baluba” or the Katangese with regards to the rest of the provinces. It goes beyond with nowadays construction around the “Bantous” physiology versus “Soudanese” or “Nilotic”. The social construction went further in creating a resentment and exclusion based on physical characteristics.
In this case, I wish the poll wouldn’t have singled out Banyamulenge, Hutu and Tutsi when asking even people who wouldn’t have fair information of these communities. Astonishingly, I couldn’t capture how this fitted into the poll for someone willing to capture national identity and ethnic identities by disregarding the complexity of socio-cultural diversities. The report would have reminded a short background over why these three communities were likely “manipulated” or recruited into armed rebellions that were “allegedly” supported by Rwanda. Moreover, the poll confuses a reader like me when it comes to national identity versus ethnic identities. Both concepts are constitutional in determining nationality and are unlikely exclusive. That is, feeling a strong appurtenance to the state wouldn’t exclude the ethnic belonging. However, the worse attitude is wavering when it comes to have one choice between the national identity and the ethnic one.
I couldn’t judge the percentage of accepting these three communities though I feel that this wouldn’t constitute a huge concern in the future. Social construction in the context of DRC might have been accentuated the state decay during the thirty years of Mobutu’s regime. However, they remain “social construction” that can be de-constructed. My first time I went to Uvira city, I was simply interested in what is the vehicle, electricity, an asphalted road and mostly to see the sun rises in the morning over the Tanganyika lake; all these had remained mysterious during my secondary studies. I couldn’t get an authorization from my grand-mother as she couldn’t figure out such an interest of visiting Uvira. Through my initiation, I then found an opportunity to visit for two days her cattle, miles away of our village. This is was an excuse to visit the Uvira with one of the best friend.
During the one day visit in Uvira, it was easy to see young guys stoning people by chanting “Banyaruguru, Banyarwanda, Bords, Bungere be ngavu…” Just imagine such mood while the visitor was eager to touch everything he learnt mysteriously at the Institut Wanainchi. I am sure, in this case, a support from security services sounded as a dream. She couldn’t worsen the case when called for help. Two decades later, things have largely improved to the extent that the percentage may not reflect the reality. Hence, the reader would agree with me that social construction can be de-constructed; that is why we need to crosscheck our behaviors but also the polls. I am sure you have gotten what had caused my first malaria sickness that was being debated between my grandmother and me.
For roughly two years ago, the socio-political context in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has currently been characterized by a tiresome debate around the November Presidential and Parliamentary elections. By failing to agree by themselves, the United Nations (through the African Union: AU) has decided to lend a helping hand to DRC in order to find a political agreement, easing tensions as well as finding ways for rerunning the process.
It’s in this regards that the National & “Inclusive” Political Dialogue has been initiated; while the AU nominated the former Togolese Prime Minister, Edem Kodjo as the Facilitator. The efforts made by the Facilitator, Edem Kodjo, achieved an ‘upheaval’ step toward holding the Dialogue. The Preparatory Committee that starts on Tuesday this week would possibly finalize its sessions before the weekend. Was it a decisive step made toward a possible political agreement? The response requires to wisely looking it into the depth.
First of all, though intended to be an “inclusive dialogue”, the ongoing format of the Preparatory Committee might not fulfill some criteria as needed. The fact is that most of radical opponents to President Kabila have defied the current Dialogue’s Facilitator to the extent they’re still hesitating to participate. In addition, these opponents have withdrawn their confidence into the facilitator, demanding that he has to be replaced due to suspecting a lack of neutrality in him. Is that true or false within the #CongoPolitics? Defying and demonizing the other side has remained one of the key tools of convincing the public.
Strikingly, even though most of boycotters are largely the radical opposition, the Republican Opposition Platform of the Senate’s Speaker has had refused to partake too. While playing as the strongly ally, Kengo wa Dondo has had on the first place denied to participate during these preliminary works. The “Opposition Républicaine” claims that the dialogue has to be inclusive in order to reach a reliable agreement. Finally, the platform has announced that it’s participating to the Preparatory Committee sessions. Nevertheless, the inclusivity aspect seems losing the consistency to the level that an observer may suspect that behind all these manoeuvers, political motivations are pulling things on each side. What are then the tosses to be expected?
The constitutional struggle is as recent as the democratization process in Africa. Nonetheless, it has currently gained a momentum due to how the international community has been interested with Presidential mandates respect in Africa. The shove from the United States is among the notable leverage that these countries are facing in order to have their top positions free of eternal individuals. The Western powerful countries have been supporting people’s protest against the presidential terms violation. This has happened in Senegal, Burkina Faso etc. The people’s discontent might not be expressing the only sentiment of having presidential terms limit; rather, it widely sounds as claims of demanding better life.
The map tries to depict a possible polarization of politics in DRC
Confrontation around Presidential terms limit has endangered the Burundi stability as one of the cases in the African Great Lakes Region. The crisis in Burundi has approximately been depicting and giving insight to those opposing the violation of the constitution in DRC. Though this case may slightly be different from that of DRC, it looks like the way it’s being handled will inevitably constitute a “role-model” for those opposing the President Joseph Kabila. That’s, organizing negotiations after confrontation.
These negotiations to be relocated outside of DRC for security matters might be considered as probable option on the Opposition’s table. The expectation of organizing what’s called in this article as “Second Round Dialogue” would be one of the motivations to boycotting the “Made in Kodjo” dialogue. Succinctly, the radicals are planning to exert their forces and gain the people’s support through streets demonstrations and invasions. This would mostly happen in December 2016 as they are considering the end of the formal “legitimacy” to the incumbent president. Consequently, relying on the International community support, there would be a second round of negotiations when no one is legitimate; that’s, they will be equally negotiating.
Boycotting isn’t only a sign of predicting the second round. It’s also a consequence of how the DRC political arena is shaped. It looks as widely polarized. Though yet deeply documented, the shape around the way discontents are expressed, the socio-political climate may largely predict a violent confrontation in the near future. The violence will possibly be branding regional or linguistic features. The blogger’s viewpoint doubts that, in case of violent confrontation, politicians can use all means instead of recognizing the failure.
Subsequently, Burundi won’t role model. The DRC setting predicts a confrontation of the two first large national languages; with the third one siding with the first; while the fourth remaining indifferent or a half aligning behind the second one. In the Capital City Kinshasa, the confrontation expresses a deep-seated grief around losing and recovering the power. Besides claims over socio-economic conditions lagging behind, the confrontation would disclose a kind of nostalgia confrontation. That’s opposing those willing to recover the lost power against those willing to sustain theirs gained through military campaign. Few exceptions to the rule can surface while displaying slight divergences or short term interests. Indications have shown that people oppose languages during protest rally while it was a political one.
Considering the fragile context of a post-conflict state, these large set of groups have within countless sub-groups relying on key players. These sub-groups may have divergent interests though they have to survive only behind key players. Any violent confrontation that would weaken key players has to inevitably expose these subgroups to resorting to militarize solutions. Thus, the DRC crisis has to be wisely dealt in order to find solutions that can still keep Africa stable. That is why the blogger advocates to once working on the societal cohesion than hurrying towards elections. The cohesion comes only from how people benefit from the State’s resources without these disparities we’ve been coming across. When reaching this point, it remains ease to strongly require any change and got it. Do you have any other viewpoint? PLZ, share
It is unfortunate that most of politicians and leaders in the Congolese political arena keep talking sketchy discussions on poverty and inequality while these characteristics are widely touchable all around. In addition, it remains also unclear if the slight discussion about poverty-inequality in DRC is based on lack of information as few censuses have been carried out since long ago. However, despite the fact of lacking detailed statistics, it is unlike that many people would ignore that ordinary people’s conditions needs close attention. Therefore, there is no need to travel miles away from Kinshasa to feel it clearly.
Inside ‘market building’: Just individuals arrangements
Few weeks ago, the President of DRC reminded overcrowded trucks of minerals alongside Kolwezi-Likasi-Kasumbalesa line; while the majority of people strive over the basic needs. The president statement seemed signaling that these minerals, forming the backbone of DRC public resources are likely benefitting to other people than local ones. Even though the context of expressing this concern may raise different interpretation; clearly local people and ordinary citizens suffer more than it can be expressed within Medias or political fora. The concern went expressed when the President has been meeting Katanga’s dignitaries over an implicitly political row among dignitaries of the strong and mainly providing Province. He referred to what can be observed as controversial features when crossing the Kolwezi-Likasi-Kasumbalesa route. The controversy turns around to how local population, who would be benefitting from Katanga’s natural resources, has remained poorer for long.
Though what the President expressed during the meeting rose questions due what was going on in Katanga, at least the public had kept his worry regarding poverty. Nonetheless, poverty-inequality in DRC is a feature that can be found in different places as well as at close-by to those who have the responsibility to establish mechanisms of distributing and redistributing national resources. An informed observer, who ever walked in rural areas, wouldn’t oppose the above statement. Obviously, there are some socio-economic conditions looking unbelievable and beyond conception. The same conditions are likely to happen within the neighborhood of urban centers; especially for the youth and women. People are still striving to satisfy basic needs; though the country is known to be potentially rich. Thus, we all have to question why all these messes as well as who doing what to get the situation solved?
Malewa: Kin Made Restaurent
Whenever someone travels even in Kinshasa, the frustrating feature is the working conditions within which moms, dads, young people… are found. They seem displaying little hope of the future. It remains so hard to express how a mom of 70 years has every morning to rely on her capital of less than $50 from which she has to rent a house, provide the necessary for her family. The surrounding area in itself looks less promising as facilities had remained likely non-existent. While infrastructures have constituting the priority of public domain in other places; apparently, the context may sound as opposite within the Congolese context well long. Since Mobutu’s dictatorship, little has been to establish basic infrastructures helping people to expand their businesses. Most of these itinerant traders or “businesswomen/men” around Kinshasa streets are left on themselves.
Most of these businesswomen/men wouldn’t ever get retired. They have to work until they fall on the scene of collecting whatever they can to survive. There hasn’t any form of social securities for these innocent people who would have lived as did others. They seem to ever have any public support such as market facilities and buildings where they can just shelter the hot sun of this city. In addition, they possibly hardly access financial facilities from banks or credit schemes. Some of these places of work can’t be dissociated with dustbins making life complicated of course. Nevertheless, they have to get regularly levied so that taxes paid would support their initiatives. However, the proportion between taxes paid and the allocation seems unbalanced. Therefore, the future of these moms as well as dads remains shadowed and dark; though they have always to provide to have their families surviving.
Exhibition Places
The blogger thinks that poverty-inequality has been largely debated in different articles. Therefore, the aim of this article is simply reminding the reader, Congolese specifically that we still need to pay attention to the future of next generations. Nothing explains the status quo of having a great people such Congolese losing their lives due to poverty. Around 70% living under the poverty line! It is unconceivable that a half century after independence the country has strained within irresponsibility; making all of us blind in front of damages. Hence, can we voice again for a better treatment and responsible use of national resources. Meanwhile, we have to recognize that this is a strong and hardworking people who evolved with successes of surviving despite the absence of the state. I believe that different societies would have crashed if they had lived as did Congolese society. What is your point of view?
The Eastern Congo Tribune 
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