Kinshasa sous Tension de la Loi Electorale sur Fond de l’Opportunisme Politique?

Les activités dans les villes de Kinshasa, Goma et probablement celle de Lubumbashi ont été perturbées toute la journée du 19/01/2015. L’appel de l’opposition semble réussi même si sa capacité de mobilisation est au niveau moins inquiétant le pouvoir. La manifestation s’insurge contre la loi électorale qui ordonne le recensement général de la population congolaise avant les élections parlementaires et présidentielles. La question fondamentale et fondée qui se pose est celle liée aux infrastructures congolaises et le temps que ce recensement peut prendre. Compte tenu des conditions des routes et autres moyens de déplacement en RDC, ce recensement pourra inévitablement aller au-delà de 2016. Et alors, la question de la gestion du pays après l’échéance 2016 reste préoccupante pour l’opposition qui croit en une manœuvre de glisser le mandat du président actuel.

Manifestants

Toutefois, à mon entendement, l’appel à la marche doit ne pas répondre à l’ensemble des crises que connait le pays. Car les divergences d’échéances et mandats semblent ne pas être la première préoccupation de cette jeunesse qui sort en masse pour envahir la rue et saccager les magasins d’autrui. Ces mêmes manifestants qui aujourd’hui répond à l’appel de l’opposition pourront facilement ont l’ont pu faire d’une manière ou d’une autre, répondre à l’appel de la partie adverse. Pour dire, la plupart d’entre ces manifestants ne constituent pas une base solide de l’opposition, à laquelle elle peut toujours compter. Il est facile que demain, ces mêmes jeunes envahissent la rue pour s’opposer aux demandes de l’opposition. Conséquemment, il est temps de comprendre comment réagisse la masse ; et ces dirigeants, qu’ils soient de l’opposition ou au pouvoir devraient s’atteler aux vrais problèmes que connait ce pays, particulièrement la jeunesse sans emplois ni espoir de vivre demain.

Revenant aux manifestations d’aujourd’hui, il est vrai que dans les zones à forte concentration populaire où l’opposition a des « fanatiques » ont connu des échauffourées et les mouvements des personnes ont difficilement eu lieu. La ville de Kinshasa était principalement sous haute tension car la présence des policiers et militaires était visible dans les rues. Il y avait même des chars et véhicules transportant des mitrailleuses qui se faisaient voir. Les enfants, écoliers et étudiants ont abandonné les classes par peur d’être attaqués ou en craignant les situations qui pouvaient dégénérer.

Plusieurs bureaux, banques et affaires privées ont fermé pour presque toute la journée. La situation dans Gombe-Ngaliema exprimait une inquiétude car moins de gens étaient concentrées au travail et moins de véhicules dans les Boulevards. L’ensemble des personnes qui ont répondu au travail ont fini par rentrer chez-eux bien que si le transport était aussi perturbé. Pour rejoindre certaines zones, il fallait faire assez de contours car certains itinéraires étaient bloqués. Je suis personnellement passé par une banque, la vigilance était au niveau élevée. La porte qui était ouverte était celle de derrière pour éviter qu’une situation improvisée puisse survenir. En gros, l’opposition semble avoir réussi à perturber la vie normale dans Kinshasa.

Manifestants avec marteaux

Des voitures brulées, des opposants séquestrés, pneus et bureaux incendiés ont été signalés de part et d’autres. Un nombre important des manifestants seraient blessés, une situation qui n’exclut pas qu’il y ait des morts. Selon les informations non encore vérifiées, paraît-il que même le bureau d’Evariste Boshab a été saccagé. Des policiers blessés et un autre qui a été poignardé par les manifestants serait mort. L’usage de la force pour contenir les manifestants se faisait aussi remarquer. Les manifestants s’en sont pris aux magasins des chinois qui s’investissent même dans les commerces en détails à Kinshasa. Il s’agirait, en dehors des réclamations qui seraient peut-être fondées, du temps de faire la survie pour certains manifestants au travers le pillage.

Il est apparent que certains d’entre ces manifestants connaissent le contenu de la loi électorale qui est à l’origine de la grogne. Ils sont pour la plupart embarqués, car il est facile de profiter de la misère que connait la jeunesse désœuvrée de Kinshasa pour la mobiliser. Certaines sources d’informations, qui serait même fiables diraient que la participation se fait moyennant quelques pièces en billet de Francs Congolais. Voila l’erreur des dirigeants qui ne se soucient pas de sa population et la manière dont cela se répercute facilement sur eux. En rendant pauvres, sans espoir et désœuvrés, cette jeunesse peut répondre en n’importe quelle invitation, même celle qui détruirait le pays. L’expérience de la région de grands lacs, celle des années passées dans ce pays et à Kinshasa nous en dit plus.

D’autre part, il est clair que ces manifestants ne sont pas en majorité de partisans de l’opposition, mais plutôt de « fanatiques ». Ils sont ceux-là qui répondent à l’invitation qui paye, sans pour autant considérer le soubassement idéologique. Ils s’en prennent alors aux magasins facilement, bien que l’implantation de ces derniers auraient peut-être pas suivi les normes de l’investissement direct étranger. Une donne que le pouvoir public contrôle difficilement ou reste distrait devant de tels faits d’intérêts publics.

La journée qui a connu le désordre était aussi marquée par la présence du Président Edouardo Dos Santos de l’Angola. Ce dernier était en visite officielle en RDC comme président de la Conférence Internationale de la Région de Grands lacs (CIRGL). Mais aussi sa visite était inscrite dans la coopération bilatérale car d’accords ont été signés entre les deux chefs d’Etats. Pour l’opposition, organiser une manifestation aujourd’hui a tenu en compte aussi la venue du président Angolais. En tout état de cause, le fondement d’une réclamation politique ne doit utiliser les moyens qui nuisent à l’ordre public ; tout comme la manifestation devrait être un droit à exercer dans la dignité. Donc, l’usage de la force de toute part est condamnable. D’une manière particulière, les divergences politiques doivent s’inscrire dans le fond et non sur la forme. Et il serait mieux que les divergences en fond définissent la manière de s’opposer par la forme.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

Ouagadougou, Though Small Won’t Fit into Kinshasa?

Whatever closeness and relationship between nations and cities, it remains debatable that applying blindly an event that led to success from one city to another would inevitably fit. Burkina Faso, especially its capital city Ouagadougou is currently taking the lead of what may be called “Sub-Saharan Spring” as compared to Arab spring. The large non-violent demonstration that ousted President Blaise Compaoré last month continues to draw attention from different people, nations, leaders and politicians. It is even being referred to as a model to be copied and pasted in different countries facing problems of constitution revision in a near future.

Since the ouster of Burkina Faso’s president, different voices are being raised to support the people’s willingness and constitutional respect, especially when its change benefits individuals and rulers. Sometimes, mentioning Ouagadougou’s model looks as inciting people to forcibly demonstrating and expressing their anger well before any announcement or decision from rulers. Last week, Burkina Faso’s model went severally mentioned during the XV^e summit of the ‘Francophonie’. From heads of state to local political leaders, referring to Burkina Faso’s case seems as awakening the huge frustration and concerns over constitution revision.

In the specific case of Kinshasa, voices have started to mount in order to prevent a possible and probable constitutional revision for the forthcoming 2016 elections. It is in this regard that opposition leaders in DRC had also taken the opportunity to support and recall local population to remain vigilant over any attempt to revise the constitution.

This article tries to point out few concerns over the fitness of Burkina Faso’s model within the DRC’s socio-political context. It recalls that a manipulated revolution wouldn’t unlikely succeed. Finally, the blogger thinks that there are some discrepancies between Ouagadougou and Kinshasa that needs to be counted for when copying and pasting the former’s model. Otherwise, if it has to be taken as role model, DRC’s population would have to wait for another decade to claim the respect of the constitution. What is the argument?

BurkinaFaso is a small country of roughly 274 200 Km² with 17 322 796 population. Its capital city is inhabited with around 1 626 950 population; that is, Ouagadougou is 10 times as small as Kinshasa. The Ousted president has ruled the country since 1987, meaning his regime ruled over the country for 27 years. Since 1987, Burkina Faso has likely remained stable without military coups as well as slight armed violence. In addition, President Compaoré has ruled his country for more than two mandates since the country entered under the democratization process of 90s. That is, Burkina Faso has held presidential elections in 1991, 1998, 2005 and 2010. It’s until the population has found unbearable the continuation of unique president, for approximately a quarter decade that mostly the youth has decided to march into streets to call for the constitution respect. In the meantime, the role of military forces as well as the choice of Blaise Compaoré to avoid streets bloodshed might have played a key role in defining how the demonstration has succeeded.

Compared to DRC, from my viewpoint, the Burkina Faso’s model looks unlikely fitting. The lengthy period of unique president ruling the Burkina Faso; the country’s stability since the military coup that took Sankara’s life in 1987, the spontaneous response from Ougadougou’s population to invading streets as well as military and security services’ stance on what was happening on the street are specifically the key differences between these two cities and countries as well. Consequently, when predicting what would happen if the ruling party in DRC intends to change the constitution, these features have to be taken into consideration.

The blogger believes that Kinshasa, capital city’s population is likely to determine the trend of what would happen in case President Joseph Kabila decides to run for another mandate. However, despites Kinshasa’s population heterogeneity, the socio-political context of DRC might not be ready to organize such demonstrations. On one hand, opposition parties are confronted with internal dissensions as well as unconvincing political program that would induce synergy and harmonization of their voices. On the other hand, opposition leaders are likely behaving as opportunistic, pointing out the case of Burkina Faso as if they are calling for incitement; while revolutions from uprising would likely lead to success when they are originating from willingness than being incited. Otherwise, people do feel like being treated as immature.

Moreover, the background of most opposition leaders may constitute another challenge for bringing capital cities’ population to invade streets. Additionally, the socio-political context of DRC, having a form close to ethnic communities’ relationship, it remains easy to convince or dissuade people through ethnic connections. Furthermore, the success of any probable uprising as intended by opposition leaders and some leaders of the civil society will likely be confronted by the recent experience of armed conflicts in Congo, especially in its eastern part. Consequently, when considering a possible uprising and invading streets, most of people will refer to the context of violence and armed confrontations during the two last decades. This implies the fragile context and how it’s easy to get it manageable. The army’s role and security services as well as the sense of avoiding bloodshed are also determinants.

In any case, there is a need to consider as a “must” the constitutional respect. It worthwhile to point out that we don’t need to consider some individuals as irreplaceable. Such attitude is rather a blind mind that makes us to believe that some people are very special as compared to others. However, we never need to behave in a way because others have done it. Nonetheless, we need to maturely understand and analyze our problems for finding their appropriate solutions. The reason is, from my viewpoint, DRC’s problems are mostly related to the inappropriate political-administrative system and institutional weaknesses than an individual problems. Thus, solving the DRC crises won’t inevitably coming through imitating decisions of streets; it is rather a matter of discussing on what it’s the easiest way of providing services to local population while complying to fundamental law. It may also be predicted that streets’ responses can worsene the situation so long there is no foundation of how the country would be ruled if….

You may have another point of view, please share with readers. Your comments are constructive.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

Général Bisengimana Charles Promet et Conseille: Formation Créatrice d’Emplois aux Militaires et Policiers?

Le Général Charles Bisengimana est le commissaire général de la police nationale congolaise depuis décembre 2013. Il a été confirmé à ce poste après 3 années d’intérim qu’il a effectué suite à la destitution de son chef, le Général John Numbi. Dans son récent entretien avec OlyinciaShow, le Général n’hésite pas de confirmer que la population congolaise et la police sont en confiance totale et promet d’aller plus loin en rétablissant la sécurité et l’ordre publics.

Au cours de cet entretien, le Général Bisengimana a demandé aussi à la diaspora de revenir au pays pour faire partie d’artisans de la paix et du développement. Exceptionnellement, le commandant de la police nationale a presque ‘condamné’ les militaires et policiers qui vont en formation à l’étranger et qui de fois ne reviennent plus. Il les accuse de faire de mauvais choix des formations, espérant revenir pour demander l’emploi. Il s’agit l’une des questions qui a retenu l’attention de cet article du fait que, dans une situation normale, les militaires et policiers qui font de formation à l’étranger doivent possiblement le faire en accord avec les besoins du pays. De surcroit, ils ne doivent pas rentrer au pays pour se créer d’emplois car les formations qu’ils auraient suivies seraient peut-être dans le domaine où il est difficile de le faire. Etait-elle une question qui a échappé à sa vigilance ?

Le Général Bisengimana Charles est natif du Sud-Kivu, âgé de 50 ans. Il est né à Bibangwa, une localité située dans le haut-plateau d’Itombwe-Uvira, précisément dans la zone d’Uvira. Bibangwa se trouve à quelques kilomètres de Lemera, le plateau qui surplombe la plaine de la Rusizi. La région de la plaine de la Rusizi et ses environs est restée instable pendant longtemps ; une situation qui est presque similaire dans plusieurs autres zones de l’Est du Congo. En plus de cela, il est natif de la région où les conflits intercommunautaires font souvent surface sur des fonds politisés d’appartenance ou non au pays. Alors qu’est faux, il y a ceux qui considèrent ce Général, sur base de son nom, comme appartenant à la famille Bisengimana Rwema Bartelemey, l’ancien directeur de cabinet du président Mobutu.

Apres ses études secondaires, Bisengimana entreprit la carrière militaire au sein de l’Ecole de Formation des Officiers (EFO) à Kananga, pour rejoindre, en 1988, la garde-civile après une formation militaire de 3 ans. En 1996-98, il rejoignit l’Alliance des forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo/Zaïre (AFDL) en Avril 1997 ainsi que le Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD). Durant l’avancée de l’AFDL, il est nommé Commandant de la Police en charge de l’Administration et Logistiques, 3^e personnalité de la police rebelle. Au sein du RCD, il œuvra comme commandant de la police dans les zones contrôlées par cette rébellion basée à Goma. Apres les accords de Sun City en 2003, il est nommé commandant adjoint de la police nationale congolaise et il se rend à Kinshasa parmi les premiers pionniers de son mouvement. Ses aptitudes et caractère feront peut-être qu’il ne se laisse pas emporter par d’attitudes et réactions partisanes qui ont, de fois, caractérisées certains afin de faire allégeance à leur anciennes factions. Le général Bisengimana est aujourd’hui en tête d’une police qui est reconnue être moins performante au regard de crimes et délits qui se commettent dans le Congo. General Bisengimana est marié et père des enfants.

Faisant partie aussi d’un régime qui a eu moins de réalisations, partiellement expliquées par les guerres récurrentes qu’a connu le pays ces dernières années, les détracteurs du Général Bisengimana pointent aussi du doigt à son appartenance ethno-communautaire comme si cela s’agissait d’une faiblesse de sa part. Certains medias, même professionnels auraient rapporté les incidents du 30 décembre 2013 comme étant en partie liés à sa promotion comme chef de la police. Cet article, tout en croyant que son appartenance ethno-communautaire ne devrait pas constituer de problème, s’intéresse plutôt au fait Bisengimana s’est méfié de certains aspects critiques constituant les points saillants qui ont fait l’objet de son entretien.

Le bloggeur tient à préciser que ses propos pouvaient difficilement contredire le message de pacification et de développement que prône et chante son gouvernement. En deuxième lieu, le Général m’a semblé vigilant sur certaines questions d’attrape-nigauds lui posées par la journaliste. Bisengimana étant commandant de la police, la cohésion nationale ainsi que la garantie de la sécurité publique me semblent plutôt entrées plus dans le domaine politique que policier comme le prétendait la journaliste. Le commandant de la police a pu échapper a ces questions-pièges en les appelant des affirmations fortes ou moins vraies.

En plus de cela, Mr Bisengimana semblait comprendre certains aspects marquant les faiblesses de la police dont il dirige et qui nécessitent un renforcement. Ces aspects constituent de volets clés pour reformer la police. Il s’agit notamment du volet formation, recrutement et sélection, équipement, gestion des ressources humaines etc. Pour prouver la maitrise du dossier de la police, le Général rappelle aussi les initiatives entreprises pour répondre aux besoins et défis que présente la sécurité en RDC comme les 6 écoles de formation de la police, la mise en place des satellites pouvant donner a tems les informations sur la sécurité le long de toutes les frontières du pays. Nonobstant, quelques questions ont échappé à sa vigilance mais aussi certains propos me sont restés moins convaincants.

A la question relative aux militaires et policiers qui vont en formation à l’étranger et qui de fois ne reviennent pas au pays, la journaliste a évoqué qu’ils se plaignent de ne pas trouver de l’emploi une fois de retour. Le Général répond sciemment ou non que ces personnes ne reçoivent pas la formation appropriée. Selon lui, ces militaires-policiers, qui a mon avis sont envoyés en accord avec leurs hiérarchies, devraient faire un choix d’une formation qui leur faciliterait de créer et non de demander l’emploi ; car espaces sont larges en RDC. La réponse m’a paru moins convaincante car ces militaires et policiers sont envoyés en formation pour acquérir des connaissances manquant dans le domaine sécuritaire & militaire. Alors, il ne serait pas question de prétendre qu’ils devront se charger de créer d’emplois car ces gaps existeraient toujours.

Enfin, le propos du Général me laisse moins satisfait quand il pense que ceux qui critiquent le pouvoir et régime en place entrent dans une diabolisation des uns contre les autres. Plusieurs observateurs avertis reconnaissent que la grande partie des réclamations de la part de la population sont fondées, alors que le pouvoir a des moyens pour y répondre. Si du moins ces réclamations ne peuvent pas être répondues dans la globalité, le pouvoir pouvait tout de même faire un petit pas pour témoigner de sa volonté. Cet article ne discute pas l’ensemble de ces réclamations, mais le bloggeur a toujours rappelé que la distribution et la redistribution équitable des ressources du pays restent indispensables. Si certaines personnes peuvent se servir à tort ou à raison de ces manquements dont le pouvoir est responsable, c’est un autre sujet. Toutefois, Bisengimana ne nous dirait pas que ces revendications sont largement infondées. Donc, le pouvoir doit aussi comprendre que les dénoncer n’est pas tout le temps une diabolisation. De surcroît, la situation socio-économique des militaires et policiers nous en dit plus sur la gestion des ressources humaines au sein des services de sécurité.

Si le commandant de la police n’est pas responsable de la distribution et redistribution des ressources nationales en première ligne, il lui est conseillé, dans les limites de ses responsabilités, d’appliquer la justice sociale et de repartir équitablement les ressources dotées à celle-ci. Ensuite, la police serait mieux placée d’entreprendre la lutte contre la criminalité, la corruption, l’enrichissement illicite et tous les maux qui ont longtemps ruinés la gestion du pays. Ces initiatives doivent inévitablement commencer dans les structures hiérarchiques de la police afin qu’elles constituent un fondement pour les répandre dans d’autres institutions. Pensez-vous autrement ?

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Compte Twitter @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

Etienne Tshisekedi’s Health Conditions: Another Blow for UDPS & Opposition?

Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba is the cofounder and chairman of Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social (UDPS), roughly since 90s. Born in 1932, in his 80s, the Sphinx of Limete is undergoing health challenges to the extent that this morning he flew to Brussels for undertaking specific treatment due probably to diabetic complications. As a chairman of the main opposition party in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), his absence or the inability to regularly running the party may constitute a blow not only to the UDPS as well as to the radical opposition umbrella in general.

Since 1990, Tshisekedi stood as the leading opposition figure that strongly fought for democracy especially during the earlier period of initiating political pluralism and democracy in the former Zaire. He continued his democracy struggle until recently culminating to the unilaterally sworn in ceremony as an elected president during the 2011 controversial elections. The ceremony of proclaiming himself as the elected president took place at his home in Limete, Kinshasa. However, along his path toward becoming key opposition political figure, he came across some controversial accusations involving him in hampering rule of law principles.

To understand shortly Tshisekedi’s political path, the reader recalls that the charismatic leader is originating in Kassai, from the Luba ethnic community. He was born on 14^th Dec 1932 in Kananga, in what was then known as Luluabourg during the colonial era. He obtained a doctor Philosophy in Law from the Lovanium University (currently known as Université de Kinshasa); making him the highly graduated Congolese in the law domain at that time. Since the independence, Etienne Tshisekedi, commonly named Tshitshi has occupied different public positions in then Zaire.

From 1961-65, Tshitshi was the Rector of the National School of Law and Administration (École nationale de droit et d’administration “ENDA”). In the earlier beginning of Mobutu’s regime in 60s, he got appointed as a Minister of interior and traditional chieftaincy affairs[1], then justice deputy minister[2] to member of the parliament in earlier 80s. In 1967, the current UDPS chairman is cited among key leading who conceived the elaboration of the constitution as well as the N’sele Manifesto that established the Popular Movement for Revolution (Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution “MPR”), the Mobutu’s single-party regime.

Though closely allied to DRC’s former president Mobutu, Tshitshi might have fallen out with the former due to how the N’sele manifesto would have allowed two political parties instead of one. Finally, President Mobutu decided unilaterally to implement the one-party state and dragging his former ally, Tshisekedi away. As then National Assembly President Kalume passed away, the fall out must have triggered the nomination of the parliament president Nzondomio Adokpelingbo while Tshisekedi was in a legal position for being appointed. The decision of replacing Tshitshi who would have been the legitimately forthcoming appointee seemed to have fuelled the sense of opposing Mobutu’s regime.

In 90s during the democratization and pluralism wave that shook dictatorship regimes, including that of Mobutu, Etienne Tshisekedi found room to rise. Tshitshi got nominated as Prime Minister of former president Mobutu on 29 Sept 1991. The nomination lasted only few weeks and he was deposed on 1^st Nov 1991. The Sovereign National Conference (Conference Nationale Souveraine) held in 90s under Cardinal Laurent Monsengwo Pasinya led to an agreement of nominating again Tshisekedi as prime minister. He went appointed on 15^th Aug 1992 and removed once again on 5 Feb 1993. Furthermore, during the L.D Kabila campaign, as the AFDL rebellion was advancing towards Kinshasa as well as capturing different cities and towns leaving the country as deeply ungoverned, Tshisekedi was once more nominated as Prime Minister for only one week between 2-9 Apr 1997. Details on Tshisekedi’s biography can be found on this link.

Since then, Etienne Tshisekedi remained the declared opponent to Kabila’s family regime. It even happened that during the L.D Kabila’s power, Tshisekedi got deported to his village in Kassai, living in a house arrest. In 1998, the commission established by L.D Kabila’s regime aiming to elaborate a new constitution announced terminating Tshisekedi’s political rights due to his allegedly involvement in Lumumba’s assassination and the 60s dismantle of the latter’s allies. These accusations remained unanswered in convincible way from the ‘defendant’. He then patchily fought non-violently to get the Kabila’s regime ousted by either boycotting elections or referendum as well as joining lately the elections. He recently consider himself as the elected president of the 2011 controversial elections to the extent he was roughly running the country in his office at home with lesser control over the country’s administration.

Recently, Tshisekedi’s health was likely concerning observers as he spent much time without public appearances; though claiming being the elected president. Some sources did even think that he is being critically ill to the extent of having difficult to interact with people. He flew to Brussels to more appropriate treatment and the blogger hopes and prays that he will recover to continue his struggle for democracy and social progress as it is embedded in the title of his party. However, in his 80s alongside struggles he fought, diverse imprisonment and psychological stresses he went through all along his path are less promising signs that he will again be stronger. The concern seems rather pointing to his legacy and what is the future of UDPS and the opposition in general ahead of 2016 elections.

Even though not applicable to all political parties, the Congolese management of power within the political parties is likely similar to what they thought fighting against with the rulers. The general picture of UDPS seems raising a question over its preparedness to manage succession procedures during the absence of Tshisekedi or his inability to lead. It is roughly sounding that the selection and discontent over who is the next leader of UDPS has already created a shadow over Tshitshi political party management. In addition, the removal of Albert Moleka as cabinet director might have shed light on what can be expected in case the charismatic leader of Limete may unable to rule over his party. The recent public appearances of Felix Tshisekedi signal that UDPS management is likely to fall under traditional chieftaincies succession from farther to children. It is also a sign that the future of Tshitshi political party remains to a larger extent in the hand of his family capacity to manage the succession than the ideological side. Hence, it is possible to expect infighting and discontent around the succession that could weaken the leading political party during elections period that begin next year.

Nonetheless, the absence of Etienne Tshisekedi won’t affect only the UDPS. As long as this leading party will be struggling over succession and new mechanisms to keep cohesion; this will undoubtedly affect the opposition ahead of 2016 elections. Informed observers have realized how these political parties have hardly managed to get organized to the extent of sticking on their leaders even under house arrest. The experience tends to convince the blogger that the same could happen within the UDPS; hence creating a loop within the opposition that needs to work round the clock towards the 2016 presidential elections. Furthermore, as Tshisekedi was recently seen as approximately the radical opposition leading due to UDPS weight, his illness leaves the opposition struggling over who is heading the group of radicals.Besides lacking long term perspectives, an “infighting’ between different factions may erupt to get a compromise over a figure who will represent radicals during the forthcoming elections. Wait and see in the near future.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com

[1] Commissaire Général des Affaires Intérieures et Coutumières in french

[2] The position of minister was called in french “commissaire général”

Kabila-Kabarebe Political Family: 18 Years of Power Struggle, Breakup & Bloodshed

One day ahead, Congolese recall the eruption of a new rebellion that waged on 02/08/1998, the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) and its branches. It is an occasion to mourn or celebrate depending on what had mostly kept your attention on that ‘dark’ day. The date reminds a breakup of the political family that was few months earlier formed between Kabila and Kabarebe, splitting into pieces targeting the control of power/resources while exposing human lives. It is a time also to remind how this breakup has led to blood shedding of innocent people who never have to do with politics; and calling for non-selective justice. The date brings back the unimaginable slaughtering of civilians and military servicemen and women who fought to get rid of Mobutu’s regime; expecting to lead this country to a better direction.

The blogger keeps reminding how people were burnt on tyres; others being dragged into asphalted roads of main cities of Congo by driven vehicles (with people on the wheels). The date has to be an opportunity to learn on the past while initiating mechanisms of controlling political and public speeches as these have set on fire and worsened the fragile socio-cultural environment. The blogger reminds also innocent civilians being slaughtered within their villages in Kivu, in the name of rectifying and bringing democracy and governance. Surprisingly, as some are mourning, there might be those commemorating the date for having initiated a democratic process; through rectification struggle. The unanswered question remains how did a dictatorship goes formed within a period of few months? Who are responsible of that mistakes that led to power monopolization during such short period? The blogger considers that pointing a finger to both struggling parties is unlikely debatable.

Though the political family got formed in 1996, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) socio-political and economic crises are undoubtedly old than the family. These crises had existed since the colonial era to the establishment of Mobutu’s dictatorship regime. However, recent crises that emerged from the political family power struggle are well-known for having largely devastated the Eastern DRC due its socio-cultural specificities and generally affecting the whole country. For the last two decades, observers have witnessed the hardline of the crises and the way the political family has exploited them for their personal interests related to power struggle and military forces exhibition.

    

For a clear understanding of the political family struggle, the reader reminds that it got established on the eve of the 1996 insurgency aiming at rehabilitating Banyamulenge’s rights as we were firstly told. In addition, as the insurgency expanded, it met the common feeling of Zairians who were fed up with the Mobutu’s regime and willing to see the change; a source of huge support. Though the Banyamulenge claims were largely agreed as well-founded, the intended objective was driven behind by a mysterious and hidden agenda. The agenda remained concealed, but recently, motivations behind the agenda became obvious as victims of its daily consequences in Eastern part of DRC for the two decades went countless. The agenda had formed an alliance around persons who ever had, in the past, something in common; that is, Laurent Desire Kabila and James Kabarebe. The agenda might have relied on the principle that both parties have to end up winning, accumulating indefinitely wealth. For the sake of the agenda to get realized, the family initiated exclusion and elimination of key partners and individuals allegedly suspected of constituting a hamper.

The agenda drove, within a short period of 7 months, those two personalities to the Statehouse of a potential rich country, allowing them to appoint themselves to two strategic positions; despite reluctances all around. The agenda or agreements between the two persons remained a mystery as well as the raisons behind their disagreements in 1998. This is how the Eastern Congo especially and the whole country in general fell into a power struggle and military force shows using proxies and recurring rebel movements as well. The power struggle exhibiting military power led to endless agreements and disagreements, whose contents were sometimes unknown to the public. One among the series of these agreements/disagreements is the demise of Laurent Nkunda ousted by Bosco Ntaganda with an initiation of military joint operations between DRC national army (FARDC) and Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) in 2009.

As housing can mislead, the 2009 agreement that was a shaky wind within the ruling political party in Kinshasa (PPRD) never lasted for non-explicit reasons. The hunting down and arrest of Bosco Ntaganda seemed also as a response to the growing discontents of local population expressing the absence of the state into their daily life. The arrest of a former ally who strongly supported the incumbent president, might have resulted from a pressure that rose alongside of the 2011 controversial elections. Thus, as rulers wouldn’t be able to present their achievements in front of sliding support, calling for a large support from the population could only rely on defending the state against an aggression. That is simply scarifying human lives, especially in Eastern part. The Ntaganda arrest turns into the cycle of creating another rebel group, M23 (Mouvement du 23 mars).

It can largely be stated that the generalized discontents express claims towards political leaders who endlessly get rich to the detriment of its population perishing by hunger, poverty and violence. Rather than solving the real problem, rulers resort on creating chaos so that in end, they become saviors. It seems crucial that political leaders, but mostly rulers need to establish mechanisms of solving deeply socio-cultural and economic grievances from which manipulators can exploit for their own interests. As many observers would question rulers’ willingness as limited or non-existent, it is up to you and me to request, in a non-violent manner that these mechanisms have to be established.

As we mourn or celebrate the 2/8/1998, the blogger calls on keeping indiscriminately leaders accountable of their wrong-doings but also rehabilitating victims of these manmade atrocities. Moreover, there is a need of sustaining the political process by establishing an appropriate administrative and political system covering DRC diversities. Quite clear, the blogger believes that federalism remains the appropriate way to manage socio-cultural differences across provinces and regions; while keeping the country unified as well as providing easily social services. Furthermore, rulers need to stop creating chaos for covering their own weaknesses; that is, they must stop accumulating illegally wealth but rather redistributing equitably national resources. Your viewpoint keeps the blogger improving.

Ntanyoma R. Delphin

Twitter account @delphino12

Email: rkmbz1973@gmail.com

Blog: www.edrcrdf.wordpress.com